before the final attack, Yeltsin withdrew 12 billion rubles from the national currency board. The recipients of the money were all soldiers of the Russian Federation, including those who besieged the Russian Soviet Palace: 100000 private soldiers each; 200000 to 500000 officers per person. The 12 tank crew who attacked the Soviet palace each had 5 million

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the Soviet Union, Russia and Putin’s Russia. In this period of history, the final result of the process of political reform and democratization is that Russia gives priority to Russia and Russia’s national interests.

“execute the order”

at about 7 a.m., 10 tanks of the Russian kantemirov division drove into Moscow; At the same time, the walker is in place; Airborne division, in place; The special combat brigade, in place… Took over the Russian police who had previously surrounded here, and a three-dimensional attack chain against the “White House” (Soviet palace, the seat of Russia’s Supreme Soviet) was truly formed. The basic strategy of the battle of

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is as follows: tanks shoot and control the people in the “White House” so that they can’t move; Then the airborne troops built bunkers for the special combat unit; After that, the special forces “alpha” and “venper” carried out the final attack.

on October 4, 1993, the two-week conflict between Russian President Yeltsin and Russia’s Supreme Soviet reached the most critical moment, and war and death seemed inevitable. At 5 a.m. that day, Yeltsin promulgated “emergency measures to ensure the emergency system in Moscow”, from which the national defense forces entered the urban area.

in fact, according to Yeltsin’s oral order, the national defense forces should enter the attack point earlier. However, after the early morning of October 4, the troops still showed no signs of movement. Yeltsin, who took a nap for a while, was anxious. In the memoirs, Yeltsin recorded this moment: “it’s not long, but I understand enough, grachov (Minister of Defense) What happened there. Why did the troops, in his words, break the siege of Ostankino, surround the White House and prepare for the attack two hours ago, when in fact they haven’t even entered Moscow. Everyone, including the president, me and him, the Secretary of defense, the government and our society. We all give hostages a beautiful formula: the army does not interfere in politics…

the army does not interfere in politics. Russian Defense Minister Grachev stood up, faced Yeltsin and said slowly, “Nikolayevich Boris (Yeltsin), I agree to participate in the war to occupy the White House, but on one condition, I have your warrant in my hand.” It is not the responsibility of soldiers to open fire on their own people’s representatives. The biography of Yeltsin, written by two Russian writers who conducted in-depth interviews with the parties, “nobody expected that things would change so much. The generals stared at the president. Yeltsin’s eyes flashed a sinister look, and he seemed to call on grachov. Grachov was staring at him, too, but the latter couldn’t help but look away.” Then Yeltsin signed a presidential decree.

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signed the presidential decree, and the special forces “alpha” and “venper” officers who were given the final attack task asked Yeltsin to meet. Yeltsin also recorded the meeting in his memoirs:

“Soon someone reported to me that some unit commanders, a total of about 30 people, gathered on the third floor to see me. I walked towards them with worries, uneasiness and hopelessness in my mind. I looked at them, almost all of them looking at the floor. I didn’t want to argue, and immediately asked, ‘are you ready to carry out the president’s orders?’ the answer was silent, and the president was capable It was frightening that the troops were silent without clarity. After a minute, no one spoke. I said loudly, ‘well, I ask you to answer in another way. Do you refuse to carry out the president’s order?’ It’s still cold. I looked around at everyone, including tall, strong and spiritual. Without saying hello, I said, ‘carry out the order!’ He walked to the door. ”

presidential decree was passed to every soldier in the form of army. In the subsequent investigation, many parties recalled: “it can be determined that the order of not leaving alive does exist. At least the order is aimed at the leaders of the unrest.”

towards noon of this day, tank troops fired at the “White House”… War and death, which will be irreversible?

General Secretary Gorbachev

when Gorbachev was promoted to the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the general biography described the starting point of his official career from the border area to the Central Committee as an encounter in 1975. In September of that year, Brezhnev, then general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, went from Moscow to Baku, and the train passed through Stavropol border region, where Gorbachev was the first secretary. It is a tradition of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to have a small meeting with local leaders at the train stop. Gorbachev is waiting at the railway station. The platform has been cleared. Finally, only Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernenko and Gorbachev are left.

Gorbachev recorded the meeting. The protagonist of these four people’s meeting and conversation is of course Brezhnev, “a long cold field, a longer cold field”. In fact, Brezhnev asked only two questions. “I think the general secretary is a little detached and ignores the people next to him. This scene is embarrassing…” at the end of the stay, Brezhnev stood at the door of the car, grabbed the handrail and suddenly asked Andropov, “how’s your speech?” “Good, good!” Andropov replied. It was Gorbachev’s turn to be surprised. Andropov explained that Brezhnev felt more and more difficult to speak, so he cared about his “speech”. How could the Secretary of a frontier region at that time, such as Gorbachev, know about the “sick man governing the country” and Brezhnev’s disease? Later Andropov told gosh that the meeting was satisfactory.

Died.

in March 1985, Gorbachev, 54, became the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee.

opponents Yeltsin

although they are the same age as Gorbachev, Yeltsin’s official career is far from smooth as Gorbachev. Almost a month after Gorbachev was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Yeltsin received a long-distance call from Moscow. The Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union suggested that he work in Moscow and become Minister of construction of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

as the first Secretary of Sverdlovsk, the same frontier state, Yeltsin described the relationship between the Soviet people in the frontier and the Soviet people in Moscow: at that time, a Moscow syndrome prevailed in the country, which was unique. First, people are disgusted with Muscovites on the one hand, and on the other hand, they are very eager to move to Moscow, and hope to become Muscovites themselves. The reasons and roots are very clear. Not because the Muscovites were good, but because the capital was pretty good under the tense socio-economic situation at that time, and there was also the reason why they always wanted to build some fake villages like Potemkin.

however, Yeltsin refused to become Minister of construction.

directness is generally Yeltsin’s natural character. Yeltsin explained his refusal: I, the member of the Central Committee and the first Secretary of the State Party Committee for nine and a half years, suddenly transferred me to Moscow to be the Minister of the central Ministry of construction, which seems unconventional. Sverdlovsk’s production ranks third in the country. Previously, the first Secretary of the State Party committee was the Secretary of the Central Committee. This is a tradition. Why should I be a minister?

Yeltsin, who started from the construction site, is hot and proud of it. In his autobiography, he recorded his relationship with the director when he was the chief engineer: sometimes he (the director) came to the construction site to shout, but if I thought I was doing the right thing, I wouldn’t listen to him and go my own way. This made him mad with anger. Sometimes, I sat in the same car with him. If I had a few words with him, he would stop the car on the way and say, “get off!” I said, “I won’t go down, even if it takes me to any bus station.” We just looked at each other in the car, and even deadlocked for half an hour to an hour. He proposed to the municipal Party committee to dismiss me more than once.

despite such personality, the appointment order decided by the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee can not be really rejected. Yeltsin was able to become a Muscovite because of his great relationship and role with Gorbachev. However, later, the two became political opponents, and this section was gently let go.

at that time, some people accused Yeltsin of replacing too many of the following district Party committee secretaries in the position of the first Secretary of Moscow. Yeltsin was quite dissatisfied with this: during my tenure, 60% of the first Secretary of the district Party committee was replaced. But after Gorbachev came to power, 66% of the first secretaries of the State Party committees were replaced. Therefore, in this regard, Gorbachev and I can start a debate about who has gone too far on the issue of cadres It is one of the core magic weapons of the Soviet Communist system to replace the cadres recognized by themselves. Gorbachev became the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, not without challengers. Grishen, the first Secretary of Moscow at that time, was authorized to draft a list of members of the Politburo, which did not even contain Gorbachev’s name. Grishen wants to be the head of the party, which is the common speculation of many members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. But obviously, at this time, no one can match Gorbachev’s reputation, and he was successfully elected. Grishen naturally ranks high in the list of 66% of the first secretaries of the state and municipal Party committees that Gorbachev plans to replace. Who will take over?

the answer will be announced soon. After only two months in office, Yeltsin was elected secretary of the CPC Central Committee and the first Secretary of the Moscow municipal Party committee at the end of the same year. The Secretary of the Moscow municipal Party committee and the first deputy editor in chief of Pravda recalled a meeting with Gorbachev in the lounge. When talking about the first Secretary of the Moscow municipal Party committee of the Soviet Communist Party, Gorbachev couldn’t help blurting out: “Alas, if there were a few more Yeltsins, we would promote reform faster!”

unfortunately, the “honeymoon period” between Gorbachev and Yeltsin is only two years. It seems that it is not so easy to complete the first two months of the Moscow municipal Party committee’s “spekds” work in 1987 “and” spkds “. And only 5 of the 33 districts have completed the task. Later, at the meeting of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev understood Yeltsin’s reason: he said that his reference to the need to improve people’s lives in the last two or three years was questionable From the latter point of view of history, this judgment can be called insight.

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were just that Yeltsin himself did not necessarily realize what was the reason for the lack of improvement in Moscow. In his letter to Gorbachev, he pointed the reasons for the ineffective work in Moscow to higher leaders: I began to find something that had not been found before in the actions and words of some senior leaders. In the past, they cared about and supported our affairs in Moscow and my work, but now it has been replaced by a kind of indifference, especially for individual members of the Political Bureau I request that I be removed from my post as the first Secretary of the Moscow municipal Party committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and alternate member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

after receiving this letter, Gorbachev comforted Yeltsin in time. But then there was another wave. At the Politburo meeting to discuss and celebrate the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution, Yeltsin relentlessly put forward more than 20 opinions to Gorbachev’s report. “Gorbachev couldn’t sit still, interrupted the meeting and stormed out of the meeting. At this time, all the members of the Politburo and the secretaries of the central committee sat there one by one and didn’t know what to do. In this way, everyone was deadlocked for about 30 minutes. Later, Gorbachev returned to the meeting and began to express his views, but not about the essence of my proposal, but It’s for me, andThe approach taken is completely critical and almost hysterical. ”

after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, all parties to this historical event published their own memoirs. The meeting of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, especially its conflict, was finally close to the disclosure of the facts.

later, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union held another plenary session of the Central Committee. At this meeting, Yeltsin asked for a speech again. In this speech, it is fair to say that Yeltsin realized the crux of the Soviet Union, which has begun to reform, “it is difficult to transform the traditional Soviet Union in the traditional way”. He said: “The National Congress talked about completing the reform within two to three years. Two years have passed or are passing, and now it is said that it will take another two to three years, which has overwhelmed the people and the party. We have repeatedly proposed to issue fewer documents, but there have always been a lot of documents. These documents have aroused people’s attitude of coping or distrust in local areas. However, the resolution is still in force

Yeltsin said all these were indeed one of the reasons for the difficult reform of the Soviet Union. However, it is a pity that Yeltsin’s expression is not easy to be accepted, especially by the top leadership of the Soviet Union. Moreover, at the end of his speech, Yeltsin openly and almost defiantly proposed to remove him from the post of first secretary and alternate member of the Political Bureau of Moscow.

at this meeting, 26 members of the CPC Central Committee came to the stage to criticize Yeltsin. Yeltsin was out and irreversible.

what is more regrettable is that the conflict of political opinions between Gorbachev and Yeltsin has evolved into an emotional confrontation. After two meetings, Gorbachev recorded in his memoir: “on November 9 (1987), I received a report that a major accident occurred in the Moscow municipal Party committee: Yeltsin was found covered with blood in the lounge. He was being rescued at the moment. Soon it became clear. Yeltsin pretended to commit suicide with office scissors. There could be no other explanation for his practice.” In Yeltsin’s autobiography, he stressed that two days later, Gorbachev ordered him, who was still in hospital, to attend the plenary session of the Moscow municipal Party committee. “I will never understand this practice. A patient must be pulled out of the hospital in order to remove him from his post. Even if Gorbachev had a bad attitude towards me, he did that – that was inhumane and immoral… Which really surprised me.”

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, two politicians destined to change history, are no longer emotionally harmonious. Two years after taking office as general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, Gorbachev’s “opponents” appeared, although they seemed insignificant at that time. Because of the extreme conflict between political opponents, the institutional change of the Soviet Union has a rare dramatic legend if it takes the establishment of democratic system as the observation axis. However, as usual, we pay too much attention to personnel conflicts and ignore their strong driving force for institutional change, especially in the process of establishing a new system.

Yeltsin was dismissed as the first Secretary of Moscow and alternate member of the Political Bureau, but Gorbachev did not treat his political opponents as his predecessors – “it was killing, Khrushchev retired them, and Brezhnev sent them to distant countries as ambassadors.” Yeltsin was appointed by Gorbachev as the first vice chairman of the State Construction Commission of the Soviet Union (ministerial treatment). But after announcing the appointment, Gorbachev told Yeltsin, “I won’t let you engage in politics again.” if really?

Soviet reform, political solution to economic problems

why did Gorbachev choose reform? How did the Soviet Union disintegrate It is believed that the starting point and ending point of Gore’s political life will be a topic that has been discussed all the time. The popular explanation of these two questions was the result of the “squeeze strategy” of US President Reagan, especially the “Star Wars” plan, which brought down the Soviet Union, as declared by President Bush after Reagan. But the answer is fascinating, but not true.

Reagan did adopt a “squeeze strategy”. First, he imposed sanctions on the Soviet Union to prohibit the West from exporting technology to the Soviet Union; Second, the “Star Wars” program will set off a new round of arms race. When the Soviet Union and the United States carried out the “strategic reform” of providing food and technology to the Soviet Union, there was still no “consensus” between Argentina and Canada, which led to the “direct supply of food and technology to the Soviet Union and the United States”. At the same time, when the United States is arming “Star Wars”, the Soviet Union’s option is to take the initiative to reduce weapons, which is completely asymmetric. What is meant by “competition”. The real “international factor”, the researcher archers said: “it was not the economic pressure exerted by the United States that damaged the Soviet Union after 1980, but actually the decline in oil prices, currency devaluation and the decision of bankers in western countries not to lend to the indebted Eastern European Union friends in Moscow.” 20 years after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, we should observe the former Soviet Union more calmly. These factors play a more prominent role and are worth discussing in detail.

the internal factors of the Soviet Union were the key to Gorbachev’s choice of reform.

according to the statistics of the Soviet Union, in 1985, the per capita GDP of the Soviet Union was US $3396, lagging behind not only the western countries, but also some countries in Asia and Latin America. Its per capita income is about 13 times that of western countries. Generally speaking, in a closed country such as the Soviet Union, its people could not have the concept of international comparison at that time. Therefore, it may not be based on the statistical data alone. However, the long-term backwardness of agricultural production, a short term of the Soviet economy, triggered a chain reaction at this time. The Soviet Union used 27% of the national investment (5% in the United States) and 20% of the labor force (3% in the United States) for agriculture, but the agricultural labor productivity was only 17% of that of the United States. Therefore, it had to import food with more than $7 billion of precious foreign exchange every year. In the 1980s, the oil price dropped by 50%, which was lower than the cost of oil exploitation in the Soviet Union, which not only made a large number of oil pipelines invested by the Soviet Union for oil output unprofitable investmentIt also dashed plans to rely on oil exports to sustain the economy. Its economic growth rate was even as low as 1.5% in 1981, and the crisis appeared.

this is the situation Gorbachev faced when he took office as general secretary of the CPC Central Committee. In the year when

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took office as general secretary, Gorbachev put forward the strategy of “accelerating” economic development in view of the “stagnation” trend of economic development in the Soviet Union; The following year, Gorbachev stressed at the party’s Congress that “accelerating national social and economic development is a strategic policy”, and pointed out that the Soviet Union’s economic mechanism must be fundamentally reformed. However, after two years of “accelerated” economic development, the data showed that the Soviet economy stagnated and became more serious. The political strongman Yeltsin could not complete his plan in Moscow, which led to his conflict with the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

how to understand that the Soviet economy is accelerating and retreating? This requires a new understanding of the Soviet style “planned economy” model. In short, the way of modernization of the Soviet Union is to choose the central planned economic system. It is an extremely matched economic model in the early electrification of the Soviet Union, new coal mining, dam, railway, steel plant, heavy industry center and other construction. However, in the early heavy chemical industry, in order to pursue the extensive economic growth of economic quantity, in the transition to the intensive growth mode of economic connotation, But I can’t do it anymore. Therefore, the more “accelerated” and constrained by the system, the more likely economic growth will slow down. When oil prices fall and it is difficult for exports to benefit, this structural weakness of the economy is exposed.

interestingly, when reading Gorbachev’s memoirs truth and confession for the first time, you will be relatively confused. Gorbachev’s enthusiasm for political reform is far greater than economic reform. While proposing economic “acceleration”, Gorbachev advocated “openness”. He recorded that when “openness” was first proposed, “my speech had neither any manuscript nor prior consultation with my colleagues, which posed a great problem to the Political Bureau”. Gorbachev’s “chief thinker” and “right-hand men” supported him to “make public” his public speech, and the video of his speech was broadcast on Soviet television. Even later, in his memoir, Gorbachev was still proud: “people who were concerned about current affairs at that time should remember how enthusiastic the broadcast caused in the whole country.”

compared with this complacency, in the memoir, the part about the economy can even be ignored. Or is Gorbachev just a bureaucrat who came from Party affairs, only knew politics and didn’t understand economy? This is puzzling.

the relationship between economy and politics in the Soviet Union is much closer than we thought. In fact, Gorbachev’s predecessors tried to reform the centrally planned economic system and rebuild the economy in the 1960s, British researcher Katherine Danks analysis: “The logic of reforming the centrally planned economy inevitably requires some form of decentralization of decision-making, requiring the State Planning Commission and the central ministries and commissions in Moscow to delegate decision-making power. The lesson of Czechoslovakia’s economic reform is that the decentralization of central decision-making power has rapidly expanded into a general demand for more political freedom. In August 1968, the Prague Spring was banned by Warsaw The organized army was crushed to pieces. For the Brezhnev leadership in Moscow, this lesson is obvious: losing control of the economy will put the rule of the Communist Party and even Soviet socialism in danger, thus putting the reform in danger. ”

in this logic, the real situation is: in the Soviet Union, economic problems are political problems.

then, in turn, the political problems will be solved, and the economic problems will be solved. This is Gorbachev’s idea. Such a path is not in the high position of the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, so it is difficult to have such thinking and determination.

in 1987, Gorbachev comprehensively expounded his economic reform strategy: “three self and one integrity” – self financing, self financing, collective autonomy of labor and complete economic accounting. In 1988, Gorbachev put forward “new thinking”, shifted the focus of reform from the economic field to the political field, and took the political system reform as the decisive factor to promote the economic system reform. The Soviet Union reform, the leading mode of political reform, was established.

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, as non Soviet researchers, are the research after the occurrence of history. At present, the basic judgment of Gorbachev’s “simultaneous economic reform and political reform” in academic circles is that it is completely impossible to carry out democratization and marketization at the same time. In fact, even as long as the balance of the first two elements is achieved (without other additional conditions), this will be unprecedented in history.

however, back to Gorbachev’s historical scene, in the unique socialist “political economic” relationship tradition of the Soviet Union, especially the reality that the Soviet Union wants to maintain a huge ideological group, does he have more choices? At least at that time, under the leading mode of political reform, the adjustment of international relations corresponding to the Soviet Union seemed to have benefited a lot. The group of Eastern European socialist countries, traditionally led by the Soviet Union, concluded close relations with the Warsaw Pact Organization militarily and politically, and the economic relations were unified by the economic mutual assistance committee (“CEMAC”). Its operation mode: the Soviet Union provided natural resources, especially oil, to the members of this organization at a price far lower than the world market. In return, these countries exported their best quality goods to the West for foreign exchange, and provided inferior products to the Soviet Union. Of course, this was a huge consumption for the Soviet economy. Gorbachev changed this pattern. The socialist countries in Eastern Europe got rid of the control of the Soviet Union and gained independence. Therefore, the Soviet Union got rid of the dual constraints of politics and economy and could concentrate on the economic construction of its own country. It seems that this is a very wonderful solution.

certainly made Gorbachev confident in the future. However, Gorbachev’s move only solved the first “Russian Dolls”, and the Soviet Union was to socialismTo this scene.

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media are the most direct beneficiaries of Gorbachev’s “openness”. At the time of the people’s representative election, shaping political heroes, especially political opponents, is the instinctive demand of mass communication. With the changes of organizational communication and mass communication, Yeltsin quickly found the way to become a political star in the mass communication channel.

mass communication is more complex than one-way propaganda organization communication logic. Minister candidate Yeltsin “personally” went to the district clinic to see a doctor, which was a widely spread news in the Soviet Union when the structure was loose. It also became a source of topics in the TV debate of the candidates. Host: why do you always take out a piece of paper to ask questions from the masses? Even if you just went to the outpatient department to see a doctor, why were you followed by a group of reporters and videotapers…

even in hindsight, Yeltsin was still angry at the host’s question. He resolutely refused to admit that he was making a show, and identified the matter as being suppressed by the “people of the organization”. Fortunately, this story has a very interesting result. The film crew who filmed him going to the outpatient department to see a doctor later went to find the questioner of this question, Yeltsin records: “they found this man, but this man didn’t call anyone, didn’t ask any questions, and didn’t know anything about the outpatient department. In short, this man just asked to tell Yeltsin: let Yeltsin rest assured that I will vote for him. My partners took all this into the video and gave it to me.” The result of

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seems to prove the “fact” that Yeltsin was persecuted by “organized people”, but it also strengthens Yeltsin’s role as a political opponent. Not surprisingly, Yeltsin was elected people’s representative with a high vote of 89.6%.

later, Yeltsin and Gorbachev had the last chance to cooperate. Gorbachev found Yeltsin and talked for nearly an hour, Yeltsin records: “The more we talk, the thicker the barrier of mutual incomprehension between us becomes. Gorbachev lowers the tone and reduces the pressure. He asks me about my future plans, what I am going to do and what kind of work I intend to devote to in the future. I immediately answer: the conference will decide everything. Gorbachev doesn’t like this answer very much, and he still wants some assurance from me…” Obviously, just like the political alliance between Gorbachev and Andropov, the opportunity no longer exists between him and Yeltsin.

was elected as the people’s representative, and Yeltsin resigned as minister. “The conference will decide everything”. What will it decide? In short, the people’s Congress is only an annual assembly, and the Supreme Soviet elected by it is the center of power. Yeltsin, who has no ministerial position, is the first step to be elected as the people’s representative. If he cannot enter the Supreme Soviet, he will still achieve nothing and have no political space. Before the Supreme Soviet election, Gorbachev extended an olive branch, but Yeltsin refused. The fate of

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fluctuated again, and Yeltsin lost the election of the Supreme Soviet. Or a political loser.

power center: rebuilding or vacuuming

Yeltsin’s political destiny is like a roller coaster. From the top of the official career of the first Secretary of Moscow and the alternate member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, it quickly slides to the low point of the first vice chairman of the Construction Commission of the Soviet Union; Failing to enter the Supreme Soviet and losing the ministerial position, he was just a “people’s representative” and reached the lowest point of the political track. If it is true, “I won’t let you engage in politics again”… Two deep dips. General researchers describe that Yeltsin’s heart disease came from it.

is just an accident, which is the normal state of political activities.

Alexei kazannik, who has been elected as a member of the Supreme Soviet, told the general assembly that he would give up this qualification; Moreover, he wants to transfer this qualification to Yeltsin. There is no better way to survive. The Yeltsin train, which has bottomed out, rebounded rapidly. Later, he was not only elected chairman of the Supreme Soviet Construction Committee of the Soviet Union, but also entered the Soviet presidium.

at this time, did Yeltsin, a member of the presidium of the Supreme Soviet, have the qualifications and resources to challenge Gorbachev?

Gorbachev transferred the center of state power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union – which can be synonymous with the western “parliament”. According to Gorbachev’s interpretation, it is a process of democratization. In institutional change, democratic system as a goal is certainly a shining word, but institutional change is far more complex than expected. It is not easy to conclude whether the Soviet Communist Party lost power and quickly completed the reconstruction of the power center or formed a power vacuum. This is the key to observing the evolution of the Soviet Union and later Russia.

it seems that Gorbachev has a clear idea of this power transfer and acts in an orderly manner.

Gorbachev repeatedly called the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union “parliament”, which of course was not just for the convenience of explaining to the west, but his democratic institutional choice. So, what is the relationship between the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee and the new power center? In this Supreme Soviet presidential election, Gorbachev was elected with 95.6%. The power of the Soviet Communist Party was transferred to the Supreme Soviet, and the peaceful transfer of Gorbachev’s two positions seemed to symbolize the smooth reconstruction of power.

however, according to the general decentralization of democratic system, as the Supreme Soviet of “parliament”, is it the administrative center or the legislative center? Or is it still like the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and all powers are merged to the Supreme Soviet? Gorbachev solved this problem by establishing the president of the Soviet Union, exercising executive power and separating power from legislation and judicature. In 1990, Gorbachev was elected the first president of the Soviet Union. State power, from the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee to the Supreme Soviet, and then to the decentralized president, Gorbachev successfully completed it with the power and resources of the general secretary of the CPC Central CommitteeThis series of transitions.

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at this time, Yeltsin, who is only one of the members of the presidium of the Supreme Soviet, can certainly not be Gorbachev’s “political opponent” integrating the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet and the president. There is too much difference between them. However, institutional change is by no means as simple as the establishment of various positions, nor does having such positions mean that power is in hand.

power has its own logic.

once said: all power belongs to the Soviet Union. To a considerable extent, this is the source of Gorbachev’s traditional “legitimacy” of transferring the power of the Soviet Communist Party to the Supreme Soviet. Therefore, the initial power transfer seems calm. But what about the establishment of a presidential system? Any system needs “legitimacy”, that is, authorization. Gorbachev needed to turn to the authorization of the supreme authority – the Supreme Soviet, which involved the balance of interests between the central and local governments. The union of Soviet Socialist Republics consists of 15 Socialist Republics. Then, when the central government gives birth to the administrative power center of the “President”, should the 15 participating republics set up the same institutions?

from Gorbachev’s point of view, he was very frank: “I didn’t intend to set up presidential posts in the participating republics. Doing so would lose half the significance of the achievements we have won to improve the prestige of the central government.” However, in this way, without the support of the local Republic, may the constitutional amendment get a sufficient majority? Can the presidential system be authorized? “Politics is the art of seizing possibilities. When the republics agreed to give Moscow more privileges, they immediately asked for ‘their respective share’. What is the way?” The essence of

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in the process of institutional change is to obtain an appropriate power balance among the president, the people’s Congress, the Supreme Soviet and the joining Republic. If we take a more far-reaching view of the “legitimacy” of power, the key is, under what kind of “consensus”, the president of the Soviet Union exercises power to the presidents of the participating republics and enables the participating republics to establish national identity within the framework of the new power system?

simply speaking, the establishment of the Soviet Union constituted national identity with two kinds of identity. First, Soviet identity, that is, the socialist identity of ideology; Second, national identity. The 15 participating republics are named after their dominant ethnic names, although none of the participating republics has a single ethnic composition. The Soviet ID card records each person’s two identities, the first is his Soviet Citizenship (that is, their national identity), and the second is their national identity. Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Carefully studying various analytical frameworks, only Katherine Danks’s disintegration of national identity has the most explanatory effect. From the perspective of identity, the implicit price of Gorbachev’s transfer of state power of the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee is that it makes the Soviet people’s loyalty to Soviet socialism and the Soviet national identity weaken rapidly. As a result, the second identity, national identity, rises rapidly, and this identity challenges the legitimacy of the Soviet central government, It provides a mobilization factor and organizational basis.

after the collapse of the Soviet Communist Party as the power center, in fact, the Soviet Union entered a power vacuum. The Supreme Soviet and the presidential system, especially the president, are even just the nominal power center when the power of the joining Republic rises.

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the transfer of power by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, resulting in the disintegration of power, which directly brought about the weakening of national identity that might not be perceived at that time; At this time, the participating republics have also obtained the qualification to elect the presidents of their respective places (the participating Republics). Then, under what names will these local “presidents” appeal for their “national (actually local) identity”? The second Russian doll was opened.

recall that the Soviet Union got rid of the moral responsibility and economic burden of the socialist ideological group in the Gorbachev era – the first Russian Doll opened. If the relationship between the Soviet Union and the socialist countries in Eastern Europe corresponds to Russia and the other 14 Soviet republics, the structure is exactly the same. Russia provides 67 million rubles of pure subsidies to other Soviet republics every year, and three other republics also provide pure subsidies like Russia, but the number is only 500000 ~ 2 million rubles respectively. In depth researchers describe that the real feeling of Russians is that within the Soviet Union, Russia’s economy, culture and society have been damaged. In its adverse transactions with other republics, it sells energy to other republics at a very low price, while other republics provide consumer goods to Russia at a very high price. However, for other republics, their feelings are completely opposite. The culture, national identity and national interests of the Soviet Union are actually the culture, national identity and national interests of Russia. “The Russians quickly returned to their original position as an authoritarian nation and controlled a key position throughout the Soviet Union.” Russia and other republics were not satisfied with their respective positions within the framework of the Soviet Union.

since the Soviet Union can get rid of the group of socialist countries, according to this logic, why can’t Russia get rid of the Soviet Union? The structure of “Russian Dolls” is not different, and the logic is consistent. As early as the election of the “parliament” – the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union in 1989, 28 Russian national representatives had put forward an extremely clear slogan: eliminate “reverse discrimination” (that is, other nationalities in the Soviet Union oppose Russia).

in 1990, Yeltsin was elected president of Russia’s Supreme Soviet and then the first president of Russia. His campaign slogan is very clear: “Russia first” – calling on Russians to liberate themselves from the Soviet Union. However, if we only look at their memoirs and do not go deep into the deep relationship structure between the Soviet Union and Russia, we may not understand the meaning of “Russia first”Smell something.

power competition

whether Gorbachev or Yeltsin, 1990 was a key year. In March of that year, Gorbachev was elected president of the Soviet Union. In May, Yeltsin became the president of the Supreme Soviet of Russia. It seems that this is not a reciprocal power relationship. One side is the president of the country and the other is the president of the local (joining Republic). However, if the Soviet Union collapses and gets rid of Soviet control, who will be the new and real controller of Moscow?

as a country, the various power organs of the Soviet Union have been ready, and the head is Gorbachev. But what if the Soviet Union no longer exists as a country itself? This period of undetermined structure is the real power vacuum period.

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study the institutional changes of the Soviet Union and later Russia, and observe it with the goal of the establishment of democratic system. Its particularity lies in the prominent and key figure’s power competition – the contest between Gorbachev and Yeltsin, which constitutes the basic driving force for the generation of system. The formation of the new system is at the cost of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Is the cost big or small? It may be controversial all the time.

Yeltsin’s aggression was direct and rude. In the campaign for the president of Russia’s Supreme Soviet, his political platform was clearly aimed at Gorbachev: demanding Russian sovereignty. The independence principles elaborated by Yeltsin include: citizens can only have the nationality of one joining Republic (meaning only national identity); Establish Republican ownership of land, minerals, airspace, forests, water and other natural resources; Russia should independently formulate foreign trade and monetary and financial policies; Russia should have its own national bank… Yeltsin told his voters: “In recent months, my prior exchange of views with President Bush of the United States, the wife of the British Prime Minister and several Japanese political activists shows that the West has given a positive evaluation of the possibility of direct contact with Russia. I think the Ministry of foreign affairs of the Russian Federation can expand its power without acting as a preparatory actor of the Ministry of foreign affairs of the Soviet Union. But it depends on the fact that the Russian Constitution does not act as the Soviet Union The preparatory actor of the constitution. ”

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compared with Gorbachev, the leader of “Genzheng Miao Hong”, it is rare to see a rough and straightforward leader like Yeltsin. What is more interesting is the drama he experienced.

Yeltsin visited Britain and Spain a month before running for president of the Russian Supreme Soviet. The six seater plane he flew from Britain to Spain found a failure after taking off – the failure of the power supply system and lost contact with the ground. There was no parachute in the cabin and there were cliffs around. The pilot didn’t know where to glide. At the last minute, the pilot found a flat ground. “The plane had no speed and crashed on the concrete ground. Yeltsin sat in the tail, which happened to be the main impact point”. Spanish President Karolin knew that there was an accident and sent his plane and security personnel to pick up Yeltsin. Although Yeltsin was in very bad health, he refused to rescue and got off the plane by himself… Early the next morning, Yeltsin went to the radio for an interview and lost consciousness. The doctor diagnosed spinal injury and suggested that he be hospitalized, but Yeltsin resolutely refused and asked him to be sent back to Moscow; During the quarrel, Yeltsin deteriorated again and had to be taken to hospital. The result of the examination is that a violent collision broke an intervertebral disc, and the bone tissue fragments of the spine will damage and compress the nerves as soon as there is a slight movement. Yeltsin, who woke up, still asked for him to be sent back to Moscow twice, but the doctor refused his request and completed the operation in Barcelona. The operation was successful.

Yeltsin supporters immediately announced that it was a premeditated plane accident and accused the secret service of killing him in Spain. There is no evidence to prove this, but looking at the detailed report of the accident, Yeltsin repeatedly asked to return to Moscow for surgery, which may prove his inner fear in another way. He really believes that the accident is not an accident.

if Russia, which demands sovereignty, is really independent, it will irresistibly disintegrate the Soviet Union and give a fatal blow to Soviet President Gorbachev – the country will not exist, where will power come from? Gorbachev will naturally intervene in this election, but he may not take the murder method that Yeltsin feared. Gorbachev made his own comments on the presidential election of Russia’s Supreme Soviet. He said that Yeltsin’s sovereignty speech “is essentially the disintegration of the Soviet Union” – this is an accurate comment. However, the media analysis at that time: in terms of Gorbachev’s position, his “correct” comments corresponded to a strong weak relationship, which “proved” that Yeltsin accused the Soviet President of suppressing him, but stimulated Yeltsin’s support. What was more wrong was that Gorbachev summoned representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and instructed them to vote against Yeltsin.

man is not as good as heaven. Gorbachev’s preferred candidate lost to Yeltsin by three votes in the third round of elections.

Gorbachev, who was visiting Canada, learned the news on the day of Yeltsin’s victory. The media noted that the Soviet President did not formally congratulate the winner as usual. “An opponent suddenly appeared in front of Gorbachev. The Soviet President has performed on the political stage for five years. Everyone said he had no opponent. Now the opponent appears. This is Yeltsin, 59.” The author of the biography of Yeltsin also noticed the fact that an earthquake really occurred in Moscow the day after Yeltsin was elected. Although there was no loss, people felt it. The competitive political arena of

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certainly attracts people’s attention, but real life is inseparable from economic reform. In 1987, Gorbachev put forward the economic reform strategy of “three self and one integrity”. After three years of practice, what are the results? The problems faced by the Soviet Union’s economic reform in this period are the same as the challenges faced by China in the same period: whether the price “breaks through the customs”. If the price set by the enterprise can not reflect the real production cost(Self responsibility for profits and losses, self financing and collective labor autonomy) cannot be implemented; If the price is liberalized, it will inevitably lead to inflation, weaken the reform and make the society dissatisfied. Whether and how to liberalize prices is the real challenge. In 1990, the Soviet Union had to face this challenge.

the solution proposed by Russia is called the “500 day plan”, that is, to quickly establish a free market economy based on private ownership in a radical way; The Soviet Council of Ministers provided for the gradual establishment of an adjustable market economy based on multiple ownership. Gorbachev said he “appreciates” the 500 day plan more, but the reform radicals represented by Yeltsin have abandoned him and their cooperation in the field of economic reform will be difficult. Gorbachev thus turned to a gradual and adjustable market economy plan to please the forces he called the “conservatives” of the Soviet Communist Party.

in fairness, the adjustable market economy plan needs the existence of strong controllers before it can be truly implemented. At this time, it was the power vacuum period of the Soviet Union. This gradual and beautiful plan could not adapt to the national conditions of the Soviet Union.

Gorbachev’s mistakes brought a series of reactions. In 1990, in order to encourage the transformation of the Soviet Union into a democratic and market economy, the group of seven western countries reached a “solemn agreement” between the Soviet Union and Western countries – western countries promised to provide $45 billion to $60 billion in assistance within three years, so as to consolidate Gorbachev’s authority and promote the transformation of the Soviet Union into a market economy. However, this agreement is bound with the “500 day plan”. After Gorbachev chose a gradual and adjustable market economy model for political balance, the foundation of the “solemn agreement” was obviously shaken, even if it did not completely disappear.

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strong opponents have appeared, while Gorbachev has fewer and fewer cards in his hand.

“8.19” incident

at least in the early stage, Gorbachev did not pay enough attention to the national issues, especially the weakening of national identity and the rise of nationalism caused by the power transfer of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. “Why should we replace the Kazakh leader with the Russian spkds” at the end of 1986 Then Crimean Tatars besieged Moscow and asked them to return to their ancestral home Crimea… Ethnic problems in the Soviet Union, once under strong control, emerged one after another. In 1988, the Baltic “people’s front” organization was successively established to demand the abolition of the 1939 Soviet German treaty and put forward the “Declaration of national sovereignty”. Unexpectedly, Gorbachev paid no attention to this event of global attention. In 1990, when Lithuania declared independence, Gorbachev used the army, but he failed. As a result, in principle, he did not oppose Lithuania’s secession from the Soviet Union. This is a landmark precedent.

under this series of backgrounds, and then observe Yeltsin’s declaration of “defending Russia from central domination” and the claim for sovereignty and independence under “Russia first”. Basically, it can be concluded that no matter how much you dislike socialism and its ideology, its disintegration is one of the inevitable costs, It is the rise of nationalism and the independence movement.

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institutional changes are far from simple to establish a new post of president.

Gorbachev summarized his six-year ruling career, which was divided into three stages: the first stage, 1985-1988, including 1988, was a period of exploration, experiment and mistakes; The second stage, from 1988 to early 1990, was the period of democratization; The third stage, from 1990 to 1991, was a period when social, national and political forces let go of the struggle. Under the wave of independence of the joining Republic, how will Gorbachev deal with the sovereignty claim put forward by Russia, the largest number and area of the Soviet Union?

obviously, at this time, Gorbachev needs to deal with not only the radical demand for an independent republic, but also another force corresponding to this radical force. Goethe described these two extreme forces: “one is to bring down the Soviet Union; the other is to restore the highly centralized totalitarian state system.” Does the Soviet Union exist? If so, in what way should it exist? Gorbachev’s solution was to leave it to all the people of the Soviet Union for a referendum!

on March 17, 1991, “do you think it is necessary to retain an alliance type new Soviet Union composed of equal sovereignty and republics, and the human rights and freedoms of any nation will be fully guaranteed?” ― The whole Soviet Union held a referendum on this. 80% of the voters voted, and 76.4% of the citizens voted in favour. This is a popular choice to retain the Soviet Union.

the Soviet Union needs to exist. Then, in what way will the future Soviet Union exist? After repeated discussions between the central government of the Soviet Union and the participating republics, a new draft of the alliance was determined in August of that year. To sum up the draft of the Union in the simplest way: the membership of the union is voluntary, the laws of the Republic are superior to those of the union, and the tax power will be transferred to the republics. The Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union will be dissolved, and the central ministry will either be dissolved or simply become a coordinating body between the republics From the perspective of the Soviet Communist Party, this draft is no different from the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The final dispute in the draft of

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is: Alliance tax. Gorbachev recalled: “The Russian leaders have always disagreed with the establishment of the alliance tax, but without the alliance tax, the alliance countries cannot exist, and the alliance institutions are placed in the position of begging from the republics, making it difficult for them to carry out their responsibilities. Finally, a compromise was found, and Yeltsin withdrew the last objection. The unified tax system was established through a fixed tax rateA new union tax and collection law, which is stipulated in consultation with the Republics on the basis of the union expenditure provisions. ” This draft will be signed on August 20 of that year. Yeltsin still hesitated and Gorbachev settled on the last detail: “at first, he (Yeltsin) didn’t understand my proposal to arrange the seats of the delegations of the republics in alphabetical order. After explanation, this arrangement was just in the center of Russia, and his concern was dispelled.” Everything is ready. From the draft to the signature details, the new Soviet Union is waiting for it.

Gorbachev’s comments on the Soviet Communist Party have not been very positive, and the most famous judgment is that “the vanguard retreats to the rear guard”. In the path of Gorbachev’s reform, the Soviet Communist Party, a huge interest group in the past, is a weakened interest group, and it is normal for them to become a “guard team”. However, there is no complaining about political activities. Politicians must face and properly deal with this interest group. Gorbachev, who moved towards his goal, did not seem to understand and solve the “aftermath of interests” of this interest group. This potential source of crisis is about to detonate with the signing of the new Soviet Union draft.

on August 15, 1991, five days before the signing of the Soviet Union’s new alliance draft, the weekly newspaper of Moscow News published the draft alliance treaty, which was shocking. Previously, it was ready to be published after signing. This was the key factor that detonated the subsequent “August 19” incident. Gorbachev analyzed why there was a subsequent “coup”: “the last drop of water in the cup of patience is the fear of losing personal power.”

in the final discussion of completing the draft alliance treaty, Gorbachev and Yeltsin discussed the issue of Cadres: “when it comes to the need to vigorously update the upper leadership of the authority – several deputy prime ministers, especially the leaders of key departments, it puts forward yazov (Soviet defense minister) and kluchkov (KGB chairman) The specific problem of their retirement. Yeltsin was very uncomfortable at that time. He seemed to feel that someone was eavesdropping. He even got up several times and went to the balcony to check, which showed that he really felt a little uneasy. ” Yeltsin’s intuition was correct, “our conversation was recorded”. As a result of

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, the Soviet vice president, prime minister, interior minister and other senior Soviet officials, including yazov and kluchkov, decided to establish a national emergency committee to save and defend the unity of the Soviet Union. The conservative “Jedi” have been trying to fight back.

on the evening of August 18, 1991, members of the national emergency committee went to Gorbachev’s villa for vacation. They suggested that Gorbachev personally sign the emergency order, which was rejected. Gorbachev recorded the process:

“then you authorize Yanayev (vice president),” we’ll do the dirty work, and then you’ll come back. ” Refuse again.

“then you can resign.”

“don’t expect me to resign. You are committing a crime and you must be responsible for your adventure!” Gorbachev was very angry at the actions of his Soviet colleagues. But he also lost his freedom. All telephone and other means of communication were cut off and detained in the villa Flores.

the next day, the Soviet emergency committee announced that the Soviet Union had entered a “state of emergency”, known as the “August 19” incident.

Yeltsin was still sleeping when the Soviet Union was declared a state of emergency. He had a big drink in Kazakhstan the day before and flew back to Moscow in the middle of the night. His little daughter woke him up: “get up! There is a coup in Moscow!” “What, are you kidding me?” Yeltsin woke up. Subsequently, a “letter to Russian citizens” was quickly drafted: we believed in the past and still believe that this means of force is not desirable. It is undermining the reputation of the Soviet Union in front of the world, damaging our prestige in the international community, pulling us back to the “cold war” era and isolating the Soviet Union in the international community. All this forces us to declare that the so-called commission that took power is illegal. Accordingly, we declare that all the decisions and orders of the committee are illegal…

Yeltsin quickly went to the “White House” where the Russian Supreme Soviet was located. At noon, Yeltsin left his office and walked towards the crowd. By this time, nearly 1000 people had gathered around the White House. Yeltsin climbed onto tank 110 of the Taman tank division and read out his “letter to Russian citizens” to the television cameras of Soviet journalists and more Western journalists, calling on the Russian people to resist the emergency committee. The news of Moscow’s “coup” immediately became a global emergency, “Yeltsin standing on a tank” – Yeltsin used this image of a resister to define this event at the first time.

Yeltsin’s guard chief was worried that the scene was out of control. The Americans suggested that Yeltsin should be provided with political asylum when the assault occurred – the US embassy in the Soviet Union was near the White House. The night after the emergency, Yeltsin was taking a nap in the doctor’s room and the gun rang! Yeltsin’s guards woke Yeltsin up, went downstairs to the garage, sat in the car and prepared to go. Yeltsin woke up completely: “where are you going?” “American embassy, 200 meters away!” Yeltsin stopped them and said, “go back!” Yeltsin went upstairs and returned to his office. The guards couldn’t help but persuade him to go to the basement.

at 17:45 on the third day of the state of emergency, Gorbachev’s cut-off phone was connected and he regained his freedom. Gorbachev first called Yeltsin… Late that night, accompanied by Yeltsin’s men, Gorbachev returned to Moscow. Senior Soviet officials involved in the “coup” were quickly arrested.

on August 22, 1991, the day after returning to Moscow, GoreBachov announced that he would resign from the post of general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and suggested that the Central Committee dissolve itself and let all Party organizations independently decide on their future activities. Explaining his decision to “dissolve” the Soviet Communist Party, Gorbachev said: “if anyone betrayed anyone, it was not that I betrayed the party, but that the party’s leadership and most of its institutions betrayed their leaders.”

the Soviet Union and Russia

Gorbachev returned to Moscow to work in the Kremlin. On the way to his office, Gorbachev sighed with a Western reporter: “I came to another country from forros (the place of detention). I am no longer the original me, but another person.” Between Gorbachev and Yeltsin, the confrontation between two strong men resulted in: he lost. What is more impressive is that Gorbachev’s colleagues, the political “conservatives”, helped the radical Yeltsin complete the power reversal.

when meeting Yeltsin, Yeltsin’s “order” was very direct: “we have a painful experience and we learned a lot in August. Therefore, I ask you that from now on, any personnel change must be approved by me.” Before recording this order in his second autobiography, presidential notes, Yeltsin also wrote: “I don’t know whether he himself understands that the nature of our relationship has changed greatly.” Gorbachev soon understood this change.

returned to Moscow. Gorbachev signed the first appointments after the rebellion and reappointed the Minister of defense and the chairman of the KGB. Late that night, Yeltsin learned about the appointment through television reports. Although it was very late, he still called Gorbachev and accused him of the appointment; Gorbachev pleaded that the document had been signed. This reason did not impress Yeltsin. “Early the next morning, I drove to Gorbachev’s residence. My first request was to immediately let the newly appointed defense minister resign. Gorbachev, despite his opposition to this, had to admit that he made a mistake. He said, ‘let me think about it and see how to correct it.’ no, ‘I said,’ you can’t deal with this without my face I won’t leave if you ask me a question. Please call the Secretary of defense here directly and ask him to resign. ‘”

less than a day after his appointment, the defense minister was called. Gorbachev informed Yeltsin to resign and retire. The new KGB chairman has the same fate. Think about this scene, how embarrassed it is.

as the president of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev also has his most important mission, that is, the new alliance treaty interrupted by the “coup” needs to be re signed. Although Gorbachev is still the nominal president of the Soviet Union, he has lost the power resources needed for the post of president, and his influence and control over the future direction of the Soviet Union have also disappeared.

on December 8, 1991, the presidents of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus secretly signed an agreement in the dense forest of belovedge in Minsk, announcing the formation of the “Commonwealth of Independent States” by the three countries. The agreement issued by the three countries states: “the negotiation of a new alliance treaty has fallen into a dead end, and the process of the Republic’s secession from the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent state has become a reality.” “The Soviet Union as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality no longer exists.” Although there was an all Soviet referendum in March this year in favor of retaining the Soviet Union, this referendum did not prevent the disintegration of the Soviet Union.

informed us president bush of their decision.

Yeltsin recorded the time when the agreement was signed: “We really want to ‘let go’ Ukraine and Belarus forever and use this agreement to give them a firm and equal status with Russia. The death knell of the Soviet empire has sounded. I know someone will accuse me of retaliating against Gorbachev and saying that the unilaterally drafted agreement is just a means of depriving them of their power. I know that these accusations will accompany me now My life. Therefore, this decision is particularly heavy. In addition to political responsibility, we should also bear moral responsibility. I clearly remember: there, in the dense forest of belowege, a certain free and relaxed mood will arise spontaneously. After signing this agreement, Russia has chosen another development path. The problem is not to separate the part conquered and annexed 100 years ago from the original Empire. The integration of culture, life, economy and politics will be realized sooner or later, because these parts will remain in the joint cooperation area anyway. Russia has embarked on the path of peaceful, democratic and non imperial development…

the disintegration of a huge country and the division of more than 200 million people are meagre except for meditation.

led the Soviet Union. Gorbachev, who “went on an unprecedented Voyage”, did not take the country to the other side of his hope, and the ship sank. On December 25, 1991, Gorbachev announced his resignation as president of the Soviet Union by telephone. Gorbachev was certainly a little sad. When he resigned as general secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, he did not receive any greetings; After resigning as president of the Soviet Union, “there was no farewell party. None of the leaders of the CIS countries called me. No one ever called me on the day of resignation or after resignation for more than three years”.

on the night of resigning the president of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev needed to transfer the power of the supreme commander, especially the “suitcase” of the nuclear button, to Russian President Yeltsin. All this was agreed to be completed in Gorbachev’s office in the Kremlin. The handover time passed and Yeltsin did not come… Later, Yeltsin asked someone to report that he proposed to complete the ceremony at the “neutral place” – yekaterina hall, which is a place where foreign leaders usually meet.

the Soviet Union disintegrated and life in Russia had to continue.

After the establishment of Russia, Yeltsin’s first policy was the “shock therapy” to save the economy. Gorbachev spent six years promoting economic reform with political reform, which did not bear the fruit of success. Yeltsin must solve the economic problems to prove that he has more leadership.

Jeffrey Sachs, Professor of economics at Harvard University, proposed “shock therapy” in the plan for Poland’s economic transformation. For Russia, which has also transformed from a centrally planned economy to a capitalist economy, this economic strategy that has been proved effective in Poland is ready-made and seems to have been tested. In short, the so-called shock therapy is first based on the criticism of the gradual method, which is considered to be only possible to establish an uncoordinated mixed economy, in which the remnants of the central planned economy will weaken and damage the market reform and allow the traditional communist elite to retain too much power. Sachs suggested that shock therapy should start with price and trade liberalization and ensure macroeconomic stability aimed at controlling money supply. Of course, this plan is the same as the “500 day plan”.

shock therapy easily solved the problem of “price” during Gorbachev’s economic reform. Its choice is simple: liberalize prices! As a result, the extremely beautiful shock therapy in the logical argument, once the price was liberalized, the inflation reached 460% in the first month, while in the first year of shock therapy, the inflation reached an amazing 2600%. Of course, the designers of “spekds” and “spkds” did not expect that the price shock would lead to inflation. Of course, they have another way to save the market. The necessary external conditions for Sachs’ shock therapy are western economic assistance, foreign debt relief and new loans. When Poland adopted shock therapy, its external debt was written off. However, when Yeltsin began to implement shock therapy in January 1992, Russia’s inherited foreign debt was not reduced. The western group of seven sent “debt collectors”. As a result, Russia agreed to bear 61% of the external debt of the Soviet Union, and the principal and interest of this debt to be repaid in 1992 alone amounted to $12.3 billion. Even the American thakis accused it of being a “betrayal” of Russia by western countries. Later, according to Sachs, from 1990 to 1991, Russia received US $15.6 billion in Western aid, but US $13.1 billion of this loan was used to pay debt interest. As a result, most of the Western aid to Russia is used to repay Western debt, so it can not be invested in the Russian economy.

the promises of Western politicians do not coincide with their actual actions. The new Russia led by Yeltsin did not receive the imagined Western assistance as a result of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. At the end of 1992, inflation as high as 2600% could not be borne by any country. Yeltsin decided to give up this economic policy.

super presidential system

the way of promoting economic reform through political reform is not feasible; Using shock therapy to save the economy still doesn’t work. In essence, it proves Huntington’s Theory: without strong state power control, the transformation will not succeed, but bring chaos. So, did Yeltsin, who expelled Gorbachev and won Russian independence, really gain absolute power and get out of the power vacuum after the collapse of the Soviet Communist Party? It’s not that simple.

political evolution is the key to observe the Soviet Union and Russia. Similarly, if we take the establishment of democratic system as the thinking and analysis path, Russia after removing various complex factors is a better sample.

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general political analysts who studied the “August 19” incident, which made Yeltsin gain unprecedented reputation, wondered why he didn’t take advantage of this high popularity to solve Russia’s own power structure and institutional arrangements. At that time, he left Moscow for a holiday. When he came back, he announced shock therapy. He easily skipped the trap of imperfect Russian system. However, the trap can’t be jumped after all. “Mikhail Gorbachev” and “Mikhail Gorbachev” simply transferred the power of the central government of the Soviet Union to the “supreme” of the Soviet Union. Russia also applies this system, but the power relationship of this system has not been clarified. First, “all power belongs to the Soviet”, and then there is the “presidential system” — the question is: is this democratic system structure a “presidential” democratic system or a “parliamentary” republican system? Due to the rapid disintegration of the Soviet Union, there is no opportunity to solve this problem, and Russia must solve the “legislative power” and “executive power”, who is the highest state power.

obviously, Yeltsin will choose the “presidential system” without hesitation, but will hasbratov, the president of Russia’s Supreme Soviet, agree with him? Of course not. At the end of 1992, shock therapy failed. The successful Challenger Yeltsin met his challenger hasbratov. Russia is still in a vacuum of undetermined supreme state power. Do Russians, Yeltsin and hasbulatov have the ability and wisdom to solve this conflict in a democratic way?

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were uncoordinated at first. The candidate for deputy requested by President Yeltsin failed to pass three times in the “parliament” led by hasbratov; Then there was the conflict. The draft new constitution submitted by Yeltsin was rejected, and the people’s representative also demanded that all important political and economic activities should be under the supervision of the general assembly. In fact, this means that Yeltsin has lost power. “That night, I rushed into the bathroom, closed the door, closed my eyes and lay on my back. Frankly, I was full of thoughts, irritable… Even terrible.” This result made Yeltsin extremely angry. After he was “saved” from the bathroom by the captain of the guard, he figured out the crux of the problem: “do people want to live with the president or the representative in the future? God pointed out the maze to my close relatives that night.”

Yeltsin began to fight back. He decided to follow Gorbachev’s example and hold a referendum to decide whether to adopt the presidential system. Unfortunately, the extraordinary session of the people’s Congress convened by the Supreme Soviet of Russia refused to approve the holding of a referendum. The conflict began.

Yeltsin announced the special administrative law and decided to hold a referendum and implement the presidential system. In this way, it means that the people’s representative and the Supreme Soviet lost their power completely. Subsequently, the Russian Constitutional Court ruled that the president was unconstitutional. Therefore, the people’s representative started the procedure of impeaching the president – in the legal procedure, Yeltsin faced a crisis, and his power needed to face a major challenge for the first time. This is not only an opportunity for Yeltsin to lose power, but also a critical moment for changes in Russia’s democratic system. Yeltsin’s Guard commander later recalled the president’s preparations: “in case of adverse conditions, cut off water, electricity and heating, and stop everything that can be stopped… The officers involved in the operation knew in advance where to subdue the representative and took him out of the hall. There were luxury buses on the street.” The president wants to stop possible disadvantages. Yeltsin knew the result before everyone else: the bullet missed him and roared past against his temple. The next day, hasbratov announced: “most representatives… Almost impeached the president.”

as a result, Yeltsin was given the chance of a referendum, and he won the trust of the number of votes. A more rigorous analysis is: “the result of the referendum did not bring a decisive authorization agreement to Yeltsin, nor did it solve the impasse between the president and Parliament.” Yeltsin began to quickly formulate a new constitution with the presidential system as the basic structure, but the problem he still couldn’t get around was that this constitution was doomed to be impossible to be approved by the Russian Supreme Soviet and its people’s Congress. How to break the game?

on September 21, 1993, Yeltsin issued Presidential Decree No. 1400: dissolve parliament. The two sides have a showdown. The constitutional court held an emergency meeting and ruled that Yeltsin’s order was unconstitutional by 9 votes to 4. Thus, the Supreme Soviet also made its own conclusion according to the ruling of the Constitutional Court: Russian President Yeltsin was automatically removed from office and power was automatically transferred to the vice president. Then the people’s representatives of the Supreme Soviet held fast to their office, the White House, where Yeltsin had attacked Gorbachev.

on the morning of October 4, 1993, 10 tanks of the Russian kantemirov division drove into Moscow, and the final and armed settlement action is about to begin. Neither Yeltsin nor hasbulatov found a peaceful and democratic solution to the conflict.

before the final attack, Yeltsin’s men had withdrawn 1 billion rubles from the national currency board; After that, another 11 billion rubles were withdrawn. The money has strange payees, all soldiers in the war. Later, the results of the investigation by Russian journalists were quite unimaginable: all soldiers of the Russian Federation forces participating in the events of October 3-4, including those who surrounded and attacked the Russian Soviet palace, were given funds: private soldiers paid 100000 rubles at one time; Officers, one-time expenditure of 200000 ~ 500000 rubles. Give 5 million rubles to each of the 12 tank crew – officer volunteers who attacked the Soviet palace… This is a long list.

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there can be no justice in attacking their own people’s deputies with their own army. Of course, there is money.

towards noon, the tanks of the kantemirov division opened fire, and the war and death seem to be irreversible. In the history of any country, in the moment of bloody conflict, the bystanders of history always yearn for miracles, but it never comes. Surprisingly, Yeltsin’s shelling of the White House, which shocked the world, turned out to be a reversal. Andronov, the people’s representative of the Russian Federation, recorded the process: “under

, two officers appeared again on the slow platform on the second floor. One of them held a piece of wire tied with a white rag, and the other black haired officer in a green bulletproof jacket and shoulder protection clearly said: I am the leader of the “alpha” anti-terrorism special combat team. We were ordered to attack the White House. Order us to destroy you with artillery fire. That is, almost all of you will be killed. So you’d better surrender… It’s only 20 minutes before alpha starts attacking.

the officer said: we should execute the order to attack you. Our “alpha” special combat group attacked Amin’s presidential palace in Kabul, where almost all of them died. But we don’t want to kill our compatriots… But anyway, we’re going to attack you. Tanks will be used to fire guns and combat helicopters will be used to launch missiles. So I ask you to give in quickly.

the people’s representative in the White House accepted the suggestion of “alpha” officer and gave up resistance. Alpha soldiers outside the White House informed all troops: no fire! Otherwise, all fire points will be suppressed!

the Russian General Prosecutor’s office confirmed in its criminal file that during the incident on October 3-4, there were no less than 123 dead and 348 injured. Thanks to the personal efforts of the “alpha” officer of Russia’s most elite special forces, more deaths were avoided. This is the most shining moment in the dirty part of history. It’s a true legend.

the new parliament of the Russian Federation consists of 450 representatives to form the State Duma (lower house) and 178 representatives to form the Federal Council (upper house). The constitution of “presidential system” was adopted. Even the most restrained political analysts will express this new Russian Constitution in this way: the 1993 constitution established a seriously unbalanced system of separation of powers. It has established an extremely powerful presidential position, which not only means that Russia is a presidential rather than a parliamentary country, but also means that it is a super presidential country.

the process of democracy not only has quarrels, but also may die; The cost may be higher than expected.

Russian dilemma and Putin’s ascendancy

“K”After the situation, I have a very complex reaction. Putin is not just taking risks himself. On the other hand, his behavior made me deeply respect… After I understood the necessity of letting primakov step down, I often asked myself painfully: who will support me? Who can really stand behind me? Suddenly, I was enlightened – Putin. ”

super president and controllable democracy

a few days after Yeltsin resigned, Putin issued a presidential decree granting Yeltsin and his family immunity from criminal or administrative prosecution, arrest, search, interrogation or personal search. At the same time, he dismissed Yeltsin’s daughter from the government.

when Putin took office as Russian Prime Minister, Chechen separatists declared the establishment of the Chechen Dagestan Republic to be independent from the Russian Federation. For the “Russian Dolls” being opened, Putin does not have the historical burden of Yeltsin, but has a stronger determination than him. In this Chechen War, Putin led an army of 150000 people. His strategy is not to adopt simple expulsion tactics, but to annihilate them all. As the prime minister and acting president of Russia, Putin did not officially appear in the media as the commander-in-chief of the military until March 2000, just before the start of the Russian presidential election. He was talking about war, not competition for President: we want to eliminate terrorists completely. Even if they hide in the toilet, we’ll flush them out. Putin won the first round of the presidential election by 77.kd.

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, “the founder of the king” – those oligarchs who control financial, industrial and media groups. In this presidential election, only oligarch gucinsky’s “bridge media” opposed both Chechen wars. His independent television described Putin as “a man in the uniform of the vanguard of youth organizations in the Soviet era”. Just two months after Putin was elected president, 40 tax policemen equipped with machine guns, wearing malaklava coats and camouflage clothes suddenly raided the “bridge media”, and gusinsky was arrested. It was oligarch Berezovsky who mobilized his controlled media to support Putin during the election. But on the eve of the announcement of the election results, Berezovsky made an unusual move. He held a press breakfast. He told reporters that he had a good relationship with Putin and had a telephone conversation once a day, but he warned that Putin would no longer exist without the support of oligarchs. “Personally, there will be no change. The role of oligarchs will rise. The word oligarchs only refers to Russia’s big capitalists. And big companies will play an increasingly important role in Russia.” After the threat, Berezovsky was optimistic about the future. In August of the year after the election, the tax police suddenly searched Berezovsky’s Siberian oil company. Later, Russia issued a wanted notice to Berezovsky on suspicion of participating in the fraud of $1 billion from the State Administration of civil aviation.

Putin began to implement his promise before the election: the oligarchy will not exist as a class.

the war in Chechnya and the fight against oligarchs began to inject “super power” into President Putin in the super presidential system. Interestingly, what surprises Westerners in particular is that the “bridge media” and gusinsky, who opposed Putin before the election, were liquidated after the election, which is very easy to imagine Putin’s control over freedom of speech. This is an abominable act of undermining democracy. However, a survey conducted by the all Russia opinion survey center found that 33% of respondents had no response to gusinsky’s arrest, 25% said they were happy about it, less than 10% said the arrest was worrying, and only 4% thought his arrest was groundless and unfounded. Sociologists at the survey center explained the surprising data: ordinary Russians believe that gusinsky is an oligarch after all, so he may have committed some crime.

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freedom of speech and the harm of oligarchy, the weight that Russians feel is very different from that of western countries.

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Yeltsin proposed “Russia first”, and came to Putin to develop “Russia’s national interests first”. During the second Chechen War, Putin made it clear that he would not tolerate critical reports from Chechnya that had plagued the first Chechen War. The reports on the Chechen War broadcast on the state-run television channel must obey the government’s campaign policy and describe it as a brave war against dangerous Islamic rebels. Of course, there are also opponents. ITV has taken an anti war stance and tried to continue the objective reporting it created during the first Chechen War. But the tax official soon surprised ITV with a tax inspection, and soon found its bank loan problem.

Putin is becoming stronger and stronger. However, he said: he does not intend to change the results of privatization in the near future, nor does he want to recover some of the most valuable state assets privatized in a suspicious situation in the 1990s into the hands of the government.

after Yeltsin was elected president of Russia, he quickly opened the three color flag of Russia overthrown in 1917 and said that Russia under his leadership would continue that history. After his election, Putin announced that Russia would adopt Alexandrov’s music and adopt the revised version of the Soviet national anthem as Russia’s national anthem. “Russian Olympians and sports stars will never be embarrassed to have a national anthem that no one knows,” he said Of course, the history that Putin wants to continue is very clear. The new Russian national identity is reshaped in the process of recognizing the continuity of history.

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in Putin’s political proposition, it is extremely clear that “Russia’s national interests take precedence”: “for Russians, a powerful country is not an alien monster or something to fight against. On the contrary, it is the source and guarantee of order and the advocate and main driver of any changepower. At present, the key to Russia’s rejuvenation and vigorous development lies in the field of national politics. Russia needs a strong state power system and should have such a power system. ” Of course, Putin also made it clear that this concept of state cannot be confused with a totalitarian state. However, under such political principles, we can observe democracy, such as the relationship between freedom of speech and national interests. When they may conflict, it is clear which is more important or less important.

Russian scholars explain Putin’s ruling style, which is defined as controllable democracy. Meaning: managed democracy. Later, Putin put forward his own definition: Sovereign Democracy.

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are not the “democracy” standard defined by western countries, whether controllable democracy or sovereign democracy. But can democratic standards and interpretations be monopolized?