when diplomatic relations were established in the 1950s, Mongolia even called the former Soviet Union father and China mother. However, the Qing Dynasty’s policy of dividing and ruling Mongolia, retaining the backward natural economy and allowing warlords and businessmen to exploit it, so that the Mongols still have a fresh memory of this history.

data map: Mongolian herdsmen shot

in 1956. In the summer of 1960, it was a watershed for Huang Jiagu, who was only 17 years old at that time. Before the college entrance examination that year, he had planned to be a Cantonese Opera actor, but he eventually became a Mongolian major student of Peking University. As a result, he “served more than 2 million people (of Mongolia) all his life”.

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in the diplomatic history of new China, there are countless powerful figures, from the early days of the founding of the people’s Republic of China to Wu Jianmin and Li Zhaoxing who are active in the media today. However, Huang Jiagu only worked silently for 20 years in a “forgotten country” on the northern border. He started as a grass-roots clerk and retired ambassador to Mongolia with the “Polaris Medal” awarded by the president of Mongolia.

according to Huang Jiagu, he experienced the worst stage in the history of China Mongolia relations and was able to usher in the current “golden” period. At the end of February 2009, Huang Jiagu’s memoir “five into Mongolia” held its debut in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. This book, which records a lot of personal experiences and, has opened a corner for that mysterious country.

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an old map during the Anti Japanese war actually triggered a diplomatic dispute

. In February 1973, Huang Jiagu went to work at the Chinese Embassy in Mongolia. In the long low tide of China Mongolia relations, the life of the Embassy in Mongolia was like “sitting on the bench”. There are hundreds of articles attacking and abusing China in Mongolian newspapers and magazines every day. If there is a large-scale rally, Mongolia will invite diplomats from various countries to attend as usual, but at the meeting, they often criticize China by name, and the ambassador to Mongolia withdrew to protest as usual. After the signing of the Treaty of friendship and mutual assistance between Mongolia and the former Soviet Union in 1966, a large number of Soviet troops stationed in Mongolia. As long as someone goes out of the Chinese Embassy, the KGB will keep an eye on them, and the KGB’s car will follow them wherever they go. After the “spekds” and “spkds” demonstrations, the “spekds” and “spkds” have different ideological rights than the “spekds” in the past. In April 1994, the people expressed dissatisfaction with the improper policies of the people’s revolutionary party government, official corruption and economic downturn, and took to the streets again. Some people set up yurts in sukhbaatar square and went on hunger strike to protest. At that time, Chinese Premier Li Peng was planning to visit Mongolia, and some extremists claimed to “tread a path of blood” during his visit.

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are two time bombs buried between China and Mongolia: and the Dalai Lama

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. The Dalai Lama problem is even more thorny. In Mongolia, where Tibetan Buddhism has always been the main religion, 85% of the population is religious, and the vast majority of them worship the 14th Dalai Lama as a God. The Mongolian government has always been ambiguous about the Dalai Lama’s visit to Mongolia, believing that this is “the wish of the people”.

“unfriendly feelings of exclusion and contempt for China always exist”

according to Huang Jiagu, Mongolia has “relatively large opinions” on China’s product quality and food safety. Chinese wine “once killed people”, although Huang felt that “there was no evidence”. Mongolia’s National Security Council believes that the mercury produced by gold miners from China has polluted Mongolia’s pastures, including illegal labor that remains behind.

an old map during the Anti Japanese War triggered a diplomatic dispute.

in 1943, Huang Jiagu was born in Foshan, Guangdong. In the autumn of 1960, Huang Jiagu stepped into the threshold of Peking University. Because of the shortage of students in the Department of Oriental Language and literature, he was transferred to Mongolian major. After five years of Eastern language study, Huang Jiagu, 22, entered the Ministry of foreign affairs.

during Huang Jiagu’s University study, Sino Soviet relations deteriorated. Mongolia, a socialist country sandwiched between China and the Soviet Union, adopted the strategy of leaning to the Soviet Union. Since the mid-1960s, the Mongolian news agency has accused China of pursuing “great power chauvinism” and “coveting” Mongolia. China Mongolia relations have entered a low tide.

in February 1973, Huang Jiagu went to work at the Chinese Embassy in Mongolia. He was accompanied by Gao Shumao, a junior student of two terms. 30 years later, one of them became the 12th Chinese ambassador to Mongolia and the other became the 13th. In the long low tide of China Mongolia relations, the life of the Embassy in Mongolia was like “sitting on the bench”.

there are hundreds of articles attacking and abusing China in Mongolian newspapers and magazines every day. If there is a large-scale rally, Mongolia will invite diplomats from various countries to attend as usual, but at the meeting, they often criticize China by name, and the ambassador to Mongolia withdrew to protest as usual. After the signing of the Treaty of friendship and mutual assistance between Mongolia and the former Soviet Union in 1966, a large number of Soviet troops stationed in Mongolia. As long as someone goes out of the Chinese Embassy, the KGB will keep an eye on them, and the KGB’s car will follow them wherever they go.

in 1985, an article on the war of resistance against Japan was published in the 9th Journal of the semimonthly Journal of world knowledge, and a picture of the situation of the war of resistance against Japan was distributed. The border line between China and Mongolia shown in the picture was marked with dotted lines. This border line immediately triggered a diplomatic dispute between China and Mongolia.

on May 16, Erden Chulong, director of the Information Department of the Ministry of foreign affairs of Mongolia, made an urgent appointment with Li juqing, Chinese ambassador to Mongolia, to “protest” the Sino Mongolian boundary line in this situation map. Huang Jiagu was the translator of Li juqing at that time. Li said, “we don’t know what Mongolia is talking about”, but he also told Mongolia that the picture was only marked according to the actual situation during the Anti Japanese war in 1937, and it only represents the author of the journal”, there will be no “official exchanges”. Later, however, Huang Jiagu found that when Mongolia and Taiwan set up two “centers” of economy, trade and culture, not only Mongolian parliamentarians and the head of Ulaanbaatar attended the opening ceremony, but also the name “Taiwan” hung on the sign of Taiwan, which did not meet the requirements of the Chinese side.

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Huang Jiagu and Fu Ying, director of the Asia Department of the Ministry of foreign affairs, who visited Mongolia in July of that year, did their work for many times and met with a number of Mongolian officials such as the director of the General Office of the president, the mayor of Ulaanbaatar and the foreign affairs adviser of the prime minister. Two months after the establishment of the “center”, on August 2, Mongolia instructed the foreign investment bureau to remove the brand of “Taiwan” and explained that it was originally registered with the word “Taipei”, but when it was listed, Taiwan unilaterally changed it to the word “Taiwan”.

Huang Qingxiong, the “representative office director” of Taipei in Mongolia, was a diplomat in South Korea before and “actively carried out work” after coming to Mongolia. He even said that now there are “two Huang ambassadors” in Mongolia “and” one is from the mainland and the other is from Taiwan “. At a press conference, Huang Qingxiong introduced the “state of Taiwan” in detail, while Mongolia’s “Daily” cooperated quite well, calling Taiwan “state” in six places in the report.

Huang Jiagu made an appointment with the director general of the Information Department of the Ministry of foreign affairs of Mongolia to protest. Wang Fukang, counselor of the embassy, also called the editor in chief of the daily, who admitted his mistake and decided to withhold bonus points from the reporter who wrote the report. The next day, the Chinese Embassy published a statement in five major Mongolian newspapers to publicize China’s position on the Taiwan issue.

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the Dalai Lama issue is even more thorny. In Mongolia, where Tibetan Buddhism has always been the main religion, 85% of the population is religious, and the vast majority of them worship the 14th Dalai Lama as a God. The Mongolian government has always been ambiguous about the Dalai Lama’s visit to Mongolia, believing that this is “the wish of the people”. In 1979, Mongolia took the lead in breaking the practice that socialist countries that established diplomatic relations with China did not invite the Dalai Lama to visit Mongolia, and invited the Dalai Lama to visit Mongolia for the first time.

from 1979 to 2006, the Dalai Lama went to Mongolia seven times to give lectures. Although the Chinese Embassy knew in advance that he would enter Mongolia from South Korea, Japan and Germany, it was still difficult to stop him from doing a lot of work. In November 2002, the Dalai Lama visited Mongolia for the sixth time. As early as three months ago, Mongolia informally informed that the visit was invited by religious groups, and the government was “unable to intervene”. If not, the government would be “under great pressure” from the bottom people, thus affecting the 2004 general election.

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the original scheduled time for the Dalai Lama to enter Mongolia may be in September, but Mongolian foreign ministry officials officially informed Huang Jiagu that the Dalai Lama could not come for the time being. According to the disclosure of Mongolian media and some mass organizations, Russia and South Korea did not issue visas to the Dalai Lama, and believed that China had “put pressure” on South Korea. But more than a month later, the officials around the prime minister were unwilling to promise Huang Jiagu that “the Dalai Lama will definitely not come to Mongolia” and repeatedly stressed that this is Mongolia’s “national condition”. On October 29, major newspapers published the news of the Dalai Lama’s upcoming visit.

on November 4, just before the 16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Dalai Lama arrived in Ulaanbaatar and went to Ganden temple, the largest temple in Mongolia. A reporter from Xinhua news agency was also present to understand the situation. During his visit, the Mongolian National University also awarded the Dalai Lama the title of honorary doctor, but in public reports, Mongolian officials did not meet with the Dalai Lama, and the Dalai Lama did not talk about political issues in his speech.

“there has always been an unfriendly feeling of exclusion and contempt for China”

although Huang Jiagu has experienced the visits of three presidents Yang Shangkun, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao to Mongolia and has witnessed the transformation of China Mongolia relations from a low tide to a “partnership of good neighborliness and mutual trust”, no matter what era, “Hostile and unfriendly feelings of exclusion and contempt for the Chinese people always exist.”.

after the democratization of Mongolia, the one-sided diplomatic strategy was abandoned and replaced by “equidistant multi fulcrum diplomacy”. In addition to Russia and China, which cannot hide geographically, Mongolia also carries out cooperation and in-depth exchanges with Japan, the United States, Germany and South Korea. In an opinion poll, the public awareness of these countries ranked ahead of China. During the

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and “Cultural Revolution”, the relationship between China and Mongolia was not good. In the Mongolian impression, the Chinese were usury, smoking cigarette bags, and were called “huzha” (derogatory, referring to “guy”). Since the 1990s, a large number of Chinese enterprises have entered Mongolia to participate in mineral mining. Because Mongolia relies heavily on exported minerals, but it does not have the ability to process and export, it can only “sell minerals”. Some narrow nationalists believe that “China will fight back, open our mines, plunder our resources, establish division and cultivate forces”. Some members even said that entrepreneurs from China bought off members of the government’s cabinet.

China has provided a lot of assistance in Mongolia, but although the investment is large, it is also insufficient. In contrast, Japan’s assistance to Mongolia is “very meticulous”. They will distribute stationery to an ordinary primary school in an ordinary county, and sometimes give generators to herdsmen’s homes. The slogans of “Mongolia Japan Friendship” and “long live friendship” are written on the cars of Japan’s aid to Mongolia, and the publicity is “very home”.

according to Huang Jiagu, Mongolia has “great opinions” on China’s product quality and food safety. Chinese wine “once killed people”, although Huang felt that “there was no evidence”. Mongolia’s National Security Council believes that the mercury produced by gold miners from China has polluted Mongolia’s pastures, including illegal labor that remains behind. According to domestic reports, tens of thousands of Chinese are engaged in the construction industry in Mongolia, and only a small part of them enter the Mongolian labor market through legitimate channels. The lack of effective management of non legal workers has greatly damaged the image of the Chinese in Mongolia. Huang Jiagu was deeply worried about this: “originally, they were wary of the Chinese people. If they don’t do well, then…”?

Huang Jiagu’s ambassador career ended in October 2003. This year, he just