Jin Yan

Jin Yan, professor and doctoral supervisor of the school of Humanities of China University of political science and law, and expert on Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. He is the author of “rural commune, reform and Revolution: village tradition and the road of Russian Modernization”, “pastoral poetry and Rhapsody: recognition of Guanzhong model and pre modern Chinese society”, “Ji Cheng of xinstarve township”, “Research on Soviet Russian modernization and reform”, “Fire Phoenix and Owl”, “economic transition and social justice”, Ten years of vicissitudes: Economic and social transformation and ideological changes in Eastern European countries, etc.


“in Hungary,” 1956 “has become a symbol, which is not only the historical memory of that era, but also a banner of Hungarian political reform, but also the precursor of the final system transition, As pozhgaoyi, a former member of the Political Bureau of the Hungarian social labor party, said, it was the “Hungarian incident in 1956” that gave birth to the “road of change” 33 years later.

Hungary is the last stop of our trip. We took half a day and made a special trip to the “new cemetery” in the eastern suburb of Budapest to visit Naji’s grave. “New cemetery” is the largest cemetery group in Budapest, stretching for tens of kilometers. Before going, local friends told us that we must go under the leadership of the management personnel of the cemetery area, otherwise the cemetery area will be too lost. In my opinion, Naji is a famous person in the modern history of Hungary. His grave should be very eye-catching and not difficult to find. However, when an apparently “Post-70s” Tomb area manager took us to the “Tomb area of the victims in 1956”, he was at a loss and didn’t know how to find countless identical signs with no name, no date of birth and death, no tombstone and only wooden stakes tied with national flag ribbons.

everyone looked around and finally found Imre Naji’s tomb in the east of the tomb area. It was an ordinary stone tablet lying on the ground, two feet wide and four feet long. It was much simpler than I thought. There was no statue, decoration and date of birth and death on the tablet, It only reads “Imre Nagi, Hungarian prime minister, 1956”, which is incredibly simple. At first, I was confused and worried that this was not the tomb of Naji we were looking for. As we all know, on November 4, 1956, when Soviet tanks and heavy artillery resounded through the urban area of Budapest, Naji took refuge in the Yugoslav embassy. In his later years, Khrushchev clearly recorded in his memoirs that in June 1958, the Hungarian government “executed Naji according to the wishes of the Soviet people”, and why did the tombstone say “1956”? Suddenly, it dawned on me that the year 1956 is enough to explain everything – is there a year more unforgettable than 1956 in the hearts of Hungarians? As for which year Naji really died, it doesn’t matter. Naji, like countless unknown victims in 1956, is just one of them. In Hungary, “1956” has become a symbol. It is not only a historical memory fixed in that era, but also a banner of Hungary’s political reform, but also the precursor of the final system transition. Just as borrigoy, a former member of the Political Bureau of the Hungarian social labor party, said that it was the “Hungarian incident in 1956” that gave birth to the “road of change” 33 years later.

no wonder some people say that there are three keys to understanding the modern history of Eastern Europe. The first is “1947-1948” and the third is “1989”. These two keys are shared by Eastern European countries. As for the middle one, countries have different years. For example, Poland is “1980”, Czech Republic is “1968” and Hungary is “1956”. These three keys are enough to connect the modern history of Eastern European countries. They are actually three turning points in a causal chain. Like the “cultural strata” in archaeological excavation, they overlap and cause each other. The cause of each event can be pushed back to the previous “accumulation layer”, or, Every abnormally ended historical event is destined to become the beginning of the next historical event. At this point, not only the historical events are surprisingly similar, but also the details of time and process are like the repetition of the previous event. It is these three “historical accumulation layers” that finally led to the institutional change of the snowavalanche in eastern Jiangsu in 1989.

in 1947, when the situation of

changed suddenly, many people still remember the last two keys, but they don’t know what special era “1947-1948” is and why it is an important link in the modern history of Eastern Europe.

after World War II, Eastern European countries basically established a coalition government of “anti fascist democratic parties”, and the Communist Party did not have an advantage in Parliament and government. Therefore, the “people’s democratic system” was implemented at that time, that is, the multi-party parliamentary system in politics and the “mixed ownership” in economy. In 1947, the great powers of the East and the West kicked off the “cold war”. In March, the United States announced the implementation of “Truman Doctrine”. In June, U.S. Secretary of state Marshall proposed the “Marshall Plan” to revive the European economy and issued an invitation to Eastern European countries, including the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union refused and banned Eastern European countries from joining. “The Marshall plan was a direct attack on the Soviet Union,” he said In response to the “Marshall Plan”, in September, at the instigation of Stalin, representatives of the Communist Party and workers’ Party of the Soviet Union, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, France and Italy held a meeting at the resort in southwest Poland and the small hot spring in polumba, Wroclaw province. The representatives of all countries participating in the meeting were not notified in advance. At the meeting, the Soviet Union suddenly proposed to establish the Communist Party intelligence agency, requiring the Eastern European countries under the control of the Soviet Union to immediately implement socialist construction in accordance with the Soviet model, no longer allow countries to implement “multiple roads” to socialism, and must obey the command of the “Soviet Center” and the diplomatic strategy of the Soviet Union. The proposal was opposed by many representatives. Komulka, general secretary of the Polish workers’ party, said: “the practice of the International Workers’ movement so far shows that such a center has many disadvantages”Less profit”; Kader, the representative of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, believes that this will curb the independence of the Communist parties of all countries; Sloanski, the Czech representative, protested and even withdrew halfway; The participants of the French Communist Party and the Italian Communist Party also felt that this practice was not in line with the tradition of socialist political parties; Representatives from other countries wanted to suspend the establishment of the institution on the grounds that they had not obtained the authorization of the Party Central Committee in advance. Under the command of the Communist Party and Stalin, the intelligence bureau was established on the spot. So far, the opposition between the two camps has taken shape. Under Stalin’s theory of “two parallel markets” and according to the “Molotov plan”, the “economic mutual assistance committee” was established in 1949. In principle, the countries of Eastern Europe can only maintain trade exchanges with the “economic mutual association” countries. After the establishment of




Communist Intelligence Agency, several far-reaching historical events have taken place in Eastern European countries, leading them to stop their “own development path”. After seeing the dissatisfaction tendency of the Communist parties of Eastern European countries, the Soviet Union decided to start with Yugoslavia and accused the Tito group of being in the hands of “murderers and spies” in order to “compete with the Soviet Union”. Next, the Soviet Union fiercely criticized “nationalism” in Eastern European countries and launched a campaign to eliminate “nationalism”. All those who advocated the “theory of national conditions” were regarded as “contempt for the example of the Soviet Union”. Whoever wanted to talk about the independent socialist road was “degenerated into the anti Soviet position” and “degenerated into the position of betraying the working class”, It is a “rich peasant party” that deviates from Marxism Leninism “and should be liquidated. At the same time, the Soviet Union interrupted the development path of the “people’s democratic system” which began in 1944 and was approved by Stalin. It believed that this was the “road to promote the development of capitalism”, was “contrary to and distorted”, and was “the theory of ignoring the historical experience of the Soviet Union put forward by the traitor of Marxism Leninism”. The countries of Eastern Europe must immediately end the stage of people’s democracy, Turn to the economic development model of socialist industrialization in the Soviet Union. Zhdanov also accused the Social Democratic Party of being an accomplice of imperialism at the inaugural meeting of the intelligence agency. He proposed to the Communist parties of Eastern European countries that there is only one working class, and the Communist Party must also be the only one. There can be no distinction between reformers and revolutionaries within the working class. The Social Democratic Party is not a political party of the working class. It cannot regard the Social Democratic Party as the force closest to the Communist Party, and there is no “big left” like the United Front, And ordered the Communist parties of Eastern European countries to quickly complete the merger of the Social Democratic Party in the first half of 1948 and get rid of this political competitor as soon as possible.

within the Communist parties of Eastern European countries, there has always been a difference between the “natives” who adhere to the guerrilla war of the anti fascist struggle in their own countries and the “Moscow faction” who went to the Soviet Union to join the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The “natives” were dissatisfied with the “Moscow faction” coming back together with the Soviet Red Army to “pick peaches”, and were extremely disgusted with their ruling line of following the Soviet Union’s lead and losing the national flag during the construction period. Some “natives”, such as komulka in Poland, slansky in the Czech Republic, Kostov in Bulgaria and raiko in Hungary, have great prestige in their own countries. During World War II, they engaged in difficult underground struggle at home and had a better understanding of the actual situation of their country and nation. They hoped to explore a socialist road with their own characteristics different from the Soviet model according to their own characteristics. After the establishment of the Communist Party intelligence agency in 1947, the attitude towards the Soviet Union became the only standard to measure the loyalty of the Communist Party in these countries. Therefore, those “Moscow faction” who relied on the power of the Soviet Union had a powerful weapon against “local faction”. The “Moscow faction” believes that Eastern European countries have no right to choose the path of self-development and must copy the Stalin model. Failure to follow the command of the Soviet Union is a “traitor” to socialism. Therefore, from 1948 to 1949, the cases of cracking down on “counter revolutionary groups” occurred in various countries in Eastern Europe. The number and number of people involved were so large that the officials of the Ministry of internal affairs of the Soviet Union were overloaded, and many leading figures of democratic parties and leaders of “natives” were affected. They were either arrested and jailed, executed without trial, or forced into exile. The democratic parties that had previously worked closely with the Communist Party were banned and dissolved, and the remaining ones were reorganized and died in name only, Since then, they have obeyed the “party” of the Soviet Union (the party systems of socialist countries in Eastern Europe are divided into two types: one is the one party system represented by the Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Hungary, Romania and the Czech Republic, and the other is the multi-party cooperation system under the leadership of one party represented by Poland, East Germany and Bulgaria). In addition, under the control of institutions such as the Communist Party intelligence agency, the Council for mutual economic cooperation and the Warsaw Treaty Organization, Eastern European countries were clamped down in organizational, economic and military aspects, and the Soviet model was forcibly transplanted. 1947 became a turning point in the post-war history of Eastern Europe, which foreshadowed the subsequent changes.

the “raiko incident” in 1949 “

just like referring to the future upheaval, we can’t avoid 1956. Referring to the 1956 incident, we can’t bypass the” raiko incident “in Hungary in 1949.

the Hungarian workers’ movement has its uniqueness. The Social Democratic Party based on the workers’ movement has a much longer history than the Communist Party, so it has a deep foundation among workers. The Hungarian workers’ party was founded in 1873 and renamed the Hungarian Social Democratic Party in 1890. Inspired by the Russian October Revolution, the Communist Party was founded in November 1918, more than 40 years later than the Social Democratic Party. When Kuhn Bella led the establishment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919, the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party once merged. Five months later, the regime was subverted and the two parties were divided. In 1924, the Hungarian Communist Party was rebuilt in Vienna. After the outbreak of the Soviet German war, Germany supported holdi’s “Arrow Cross party” to govern, and the activities of the Communist Party were very difficult. After the dissolution of Comintern in 1943, the Hungarian Communist Party also disintegrated. Some people stayed at home under the banner of the “peace party” and persisted in the struggle. There were only more than 2000 party members. Others went to the Soviet Union to form a central committee stationed abroad. In 1944, with the continuous victory of the anti fascist war, people engaged in underground activities in China rebuilt the Hungarian Communist Party for the third time, And cooperate again with the Social Democratic Party, which fought against fascism side by side in China. Due to the price of both partiesAmong the leaders of the property party, Naji is an alternative. This does not refer to his political views and actions in 1956, but to his “origin”. Generally speaking, most of the “reformers” in Eastern European countries come from the “natives”, but Naji is an exception. Naji, like lakosi, is a “Russian speaker” and a typical “Moscow faction”. His relationship with the Soviet Union is deeper than anyone in the “Moscow faction” of Hungary. Naji joined the Russian Communist Party in Russia in 1918 and joined the Soviet Russian Red Army. In 1930, he was dispatched by the Comintern, worked at the “International Agricultural College” presided over by Bukharin and the Central Bureau of statistics of the Soviet Union, and moved to the Soviet Union for more than ten years. It was this period of research experience of the college that enabled him to have profound theoretical literacy and independent opinions, and was deeply influenced by Buharin’s thought. At the same time, he also had a clear understanding of the disadvantages of Stalin’s system due to his long-term residence in the Soviet Union. They are the same “Moscow faction”, but he and lakosi only want to please the Soviets. Since he became a politician, he has believed that the construction of “democratization” and “legalization” is the “best form of the socialist road”. If socialism wants to have more legitimacy than the period of “people’s democracy”, it must take into account the interests of the people. Naji returned to China as Minister of agriculture in 1944 and was responsible for the land reform after the war. He was changed to minister of the interior in November 1945. In 1946, because the Central Committee thought that his character was “too generous to adapt to the internal affairs work”, he was changed to speaker of the national assembly. In 1948, Naji became a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. In 1949, the plenary session of the Central Committee of Hungary accused Naji of “committing Buharin tendency error”, It was the first setback in Najib’s political career to be removed from the post of member of the Political Bureau and engage in agricultural research. In 1951, he was reinstated as a member of the Political Bureau and a member of the Central Secretariat. At the same time, he served as vice premier of the government and concurrently took charge of agriculture. Perhaps it was because lakosi, who claimed to be “Stalin’s best student”, was too close to the Soviet Union, completely ignored Hungary’s national conditions and national dignity, and lacked appeal at home. After Stalin’s death in 1953, Khrushchev appointed Deputy Prime Minister Naji as prime minister. In the view of the “moderate” in the Soviet era, it is more likely to be a “moderate” in Moscow.

in June 1953, Najib put forward the reform program immediately after he became prime minister. Naji proposed that Hungary should accept the lessons of the Soviet Union, oppose unilateral high speed, develop in an all-round way, reduce the speed of heavy industry development, immediately dismount a number of large-scale investment projects, develop light industry, improve market supply and employee welfare, reduce the price of industrial products and lift the restrictions on the circulation of agricultural products with the goal of improving people’s living standards, We should not prematurely implement the socialist transformation of agriculture, allow the withdrawal of cooperatives in rural areas, allow the legalization of small private enterprises, cancel detention measures, close concentration camps, strengthen the construction of the legal system, set up procuratorates and try illegal cases. These policies were later collectively referred to as Naji’s “June policy”. The reason why he was able to carry out drastic reform in Hungary at the beginning of his coming to power, in addition to his personal theoretical level, the spirit of bold exploration, starting from Hungary’s practice and summarizing the experience of the Soviet Union, there was also an important background that malinkov of the Soviet Union promulgated the “new policy” after Stalin’s death and was also exploring the reform path of the Soviet Union. Najib’s “June policy” has been widely supported by the people after its introduction, but it also makes the party factional contradictions between Najib and lakosi open and sharp.

Najib’s reform policy was warmly welcomed. Under the guidance of the “June policy”, many large-scale heavy chemical enterprises under construction were shelved one after another. 729 agricultural cooperatives in the country were dissolved, farmers’ markets were opened and private plots were blooming everywhere, and individual traders with “small pockets” became active. This situation, which seemed to be a “proliferation of capitalism” at that time, caused great controversy in the Hungarian party, Many people feel that Najib is taking too big steps and thinking too ahead, so they have formed a conservative camp to “fight back against Najib”. At this time, lakosi took the opportunity to collect Naji’s “black materials” everywhere and reported to Moscow that Naji’s “capitalist” policy disrupted the domestic planned economy, made Hungary move towards western capitalism and plunged the country into crisis. In February 1955, the struggle within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ended. Malinkov, who advocated reform, lost power and was removed from the post of chairman of the Council of ministers. Therefore, lakosi also increased the momentum of criticizing Naji. In April 1955, the plenary session of the Central Committee of Hungary passed a resolution to remove Najib from all positions inside and outside the party, and heggus took over as prime minister. Eight months later, Najib was expelled from the party, which was the second political dismount of Najib. Najib immediately immersed himself in theoretical research and successively wrote works such as “on communism”, “morality and ethics”, “several urgent problems at present”, “the five principles of international relations and China’s foreign policy” from 1955 to 1956. The supporters of the “June policy” formed a strong school of thought outside the system around Najib.

“pedofi club” and the 1956 event

the secret report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 caused a great shock in all parties in Eastern Europe, and the voice of reformists appeared again in all parties, which also contributed to the inner-Party struggle in Hungary. Naji believed that according to the information disclosed in the secret report, his exploration and policy were correct, which strengthened his determination to reform. Inspired by the 20th CPC thought, the Democrats and some intellectuals in the Hungarian Communist Party established the “pedofi club” on March 17, 1956. This was originally a loose academic group. Its original intention was to carry out ideological exploration with the goal of Hungary’s tradition of national independence, democracy and freedom, without the consideration of organizing opposition political parties. However, social forces dissatisfied with lakosi group soon gathered under this banner, and pedofi Club became a reformist think tank and activity platform. On March 30, the pedofi club held a massive meeting of thousands of people to criticize lakosi’s wrong line. In April, the pedofi club held a number of seminars related to the spirit of the 20th CPC National Congress, which released the national mood that had been suppressed for many years, and Budapest was boiling.

June, that isOn the third anniversary of Najib’s “June policy”, the influence of pedofi Club reached its peak. The topic of discussion on June 27 was “news and media”. After the news was released, the seminar originally scheduled to start at 7 p.m. was crowded with people from 4 o’clock, so we had to set up a branch venue in the nearby park. The meeting lasted until the early morning of the next day. Tens of thousands of listeners gathered in all corners of the city to listen to the voices of inner-party Democrats and civil thinkers. The last speaker was Deputy Minister of public information rosonchi gezo, who told the story of Naji’s demotion in 1955, which brought the atmosphere of the meeting to a climax. Everyone stood up and asked Naji to return to the leadership, “Naji Imre!” “Naji, come back!” “We want Naji!” “We believe in Naji!” The slogans and Hungary’s previous national anthems “kosut’s song” and “Marseille” resounded through Budapest. The “spekds” and “spkds” case became an issue of public concern in 1949. The pedofi Club specially organized a report on the seventh anniversary of the raiko case. Raiko’s wife made a speech on the problems of judges and lawyers under the socialist system. She told the audience about the whole process of raiko’s persecution, her experience in prison for six years and the tragic situation of a large number of implicated people. Forced by the situation, the newly appointed first Secretary of the Hungarian Communist Party gro began to discuss the rehabilitation of Laiko. After the broadcast of the documentary about digging up Laiko’s remains in random graves, the whole country was shocked. On October 6, Hungary held a state funeral for raiko and other four former leaders of the working people’s party. 300000 people saw them off in Budapest. Then there was a continuous wave of domestic rehabilitation and accumulated sadness and anger.

on October 14, the free people’s Daily published the decision of the Central Political Bureau to restore Naji’s party membership. Gro believed that raiko had been rehabilitated and Naji had also restored his party membership. The domestic situation should tend to be calm, so he visited Yugoslavia in the hope of seeking Tito’s support. On October 20, the Polish United workers’ party was re elected. Gomulka, who had the same fate as Naji and had been deposed, returned and was elected the first Secretary of Poland. When the news came, Hungarian students were encouraged and asked for “Gomulka Nagi of Hungary” to return to the leadership post. On October 22, the pedofi club put forward ten requirements to the Central Committee. On the same day, the Budapest Federation also put forward a 16 point political platform to the government. The main contents are to return to Nagy’s “June policy”, carry out political and economic reform, liquidate lakosi’s mistakes, safeguard Hungary’s national dignity and oppose Soviet imperialism.

on October 23, the demonstrations continued to expand, and the democratic parties and social democratic parties banned in the crackdown from 1948 to 1949 also raised their flags one after another, demanding to return to the “people’s democratic stage” of parliamentary politics. At 12 noon, radio kosut in Budapest broadcast a ban issued in the name of interior minister Pirosh, announcing that public gatherings and processions are prohibited. Violators will be severely punished. Students of Budapest universities, which are extremely disgusted with the Ministry of interior established by the Soviet KGB, ignored the order and continued to March and demonstrate along the banks of the Danube. The student team held the Hungarian and polish flags and carried banners in support of Poland and calling for Najib’s return. Due to differences in the party’s attitude towards the mass movement, students from military academies who sympathize with students also joined the parade. The Ministry of the interior announced at 2 p.m. that the order banning the parade would be cancelled. However, the number of demonstrators has increased unabated, and more than 200000 people have poured into the streets. Nationalism and anti Soviet sentiment are intertwined.

in the evening, Naji appeared on the balcony of the Capitol. He said: “I pay warm tribute to the people present. I pay high tribute to your democratic young Hungarians. With your enthusiasm, we will remove the obstacles on the road of democratic socialism. We will solve the current conflict through inner-party negotiations and discussion.” He then asked the masses to exercise restraint, with particular emphasis on “we need to safeguard the constitution, order and discipline, and the government will make a quick decision.” This was a speech aimed at calming the situation. Naji’s calm attitude disappointed the demonstrators who had high expectations of him. After the speech, no one applauded and responded. Naji asked the crowd to sing the National Anthem together. After singing the national anthem, Naji left the scene.

at 8 pm, gro, the first Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian party, made a speech. He first denied the movement, accused those “enemies”, “bourgeoisie”, “thugs” and “people with ulterior motives”, and repeatedly stressed the “liberation” and selfless help of the Soviets. Gro’s speech was like adding fuel to the fire, which made the excited people out of control, and the situation soon became uncontrollable. In a critical situation, the Central Committee of the Hungarian party held an emergency enlarged meeting with Naji. Naji was ordered in the face of danger and was immediately reinstated as a member of the Political Bureau and prime minister. At the meeting, former Prime Minister heggus proposed to invite the Soviet army to carry out military repression. Naji agreed to implement the martial law order of a state of emergency, but opposed the use of force.

on October 24, Najib published the letter to the Hungarian people. He called on the people to stop fighting, stop bleeding, restore order, return to their jobs and give the government time. “With all the means we have, we will systematically democratize all aspects on the basis of the platform I submitted to Parliament in June 1953,” he said But such a promise was too late, the best time for Najib’s return had been missed, his voice was drowned in the excited crowd, and the riots spread across the country. On the 24th, Michael Yang and Suslov arrived in Budapest by armored vehicle to prepare to solve the Hungarian incident by force. Naji still wants to make a final effort. He believes that as long as there is a glimmer of hope, it is up to the Hungarians to solve the problem and quell the incident by themselves. Because the Soviet army was blocked from entering the city for the first time, the Soviets agreed that Naji, Kadar and others would try to restore order by peaceful means, replace gro and make concessions to the masses.




were negotiated urgently by the leadership and agreed by the Soviet Union (it was later proved that this agreement was only a delaying measure, and the Soviet Union was actually preparing to send troops again), NajiAnd others decided to carry out unprecedented reforms in Eastern Europe. The Hungarian working people’s party, which has lost social support, announced its dissolution and was reorganized into the Socialist Workers’ party, with Kadar as the first secretary. As the head of the government, Kadar and Najib seemed to calm down in a few days at the end of October. They announced to the whole country that the “October 23 incident” was a “National Democratic Movement” and “people’s Patriotic Movement”, and said that they would immediately withdraw the Soviet army, return to the people’s democratic system, hold free elections and organize a coalition government with the participation of the Socialist Workers’ Party, the former small farmers’ party, the Social Democratic Party and the National Farmers’ party. But the situation has not been brought under control. On October 30, rioters rushed into the Budapest municipal Party committee building, and the municipal Party committee secretary maze Imre was killed. At this time, under the secret instigation of the Soviet Union, Kadar finally “disappeared” with Naji and appeared in the Soviet controlled area. He announced another new government and invited the Soviet army to send troops again to suppress it. On November 1, Soviet tanks entered Hungary. So far, Naji announced his break with the Soviet Union and withdrew from the Warsaw Treaty Organization. On November 4, Soviet tanks drove into Budapest and destroyed the Hungarian resistance. Nearly 10000 people died and 150000 fled. Naji entered the Yugoslav embassy for political asylum. This is his third step down, and this time Najib will never come back.

in April 1957, he was escorted home for trial. On June 16, 1958, he was executed on the charges of “organizing the overthrow of the democratic system of the Hungarian people” and “Treason”. “I have tried three times in my life to save the reputation of socialism, but three times I have been damaged by ‘powerful external forces’,” Naji said before his death He refers to the “June policy” in 1953, his comeback in 1956 and his subsequent break with the Soviet Union. It is said that before his death, he shouted “long live an independent and socialist Hungary!” Coincidentally, June 16, seven years ago, was also the day when raiko was arrested for “armed riot”.

the events of 1956 and the Nagorno Kyrgyz problem that cannot be bypassed

at the 28th National Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union changed its policy towards Eastern Europe and abandoned the tradition of strictly controlling Eastern Europe. In 1987, the Soviet diplomatic newsletter published a speech by Gorbachev. He said: “we have no right to teach others. The era of the Soviet Union giving orders to its allies is gone. The practice that everything must be sealed and approved by the Soviet Communist Party is over.” The Soviet people’s wind of change made the people of Eastern Europe feel elated. The reform forces and democratic forces in Eastern Europe sprouted again. History seems to have returned to the starting point of the 1956 incident, but this time the Soviet tanks will not appear again.

in 1988, Naji’s daughter and the widows of four other victims who died with Naji formed a “historical justice committee” to demand the rehabilitation and rehabilitation of all victims of the 1956 incident. On June 16, 1988, on the 30th anniversary of Naji’s execution, hundreds of people held a demonstration to demand redress for the Hungarian incident, which immediately received extensive support and response from the society. How to treat the “1956 incident” is an unavoidable historical issue. Everyone knows that if the 1956 incident is not touched in Hungary, it is impossible to change the image of the party, draw a clear line from past mistakes and obtain the initiative. As Politburo member pozhgaoyi said, “if we want to change, we can’t bypass the 1956 incident and the Najib issue”. In January 1989, the spokesman of the Hungarian government announced at a press conference that the Hungarian government was ready to re bury Naji and his accomplices. On January 28, pozhgaoi announced to reporters that the “re evaluation History Committee” led by him concluded according to the investigation that “the incident in 1956 was a people’s Uprising against the oligarchy that was humiliating the country at that time.” On February 6, 13 mass organizations issued a joint invention, expressing their support for the conclusion of the “people’s uprising”, and stressing that only by treating history fairly can the government and the people have the possibility of dialogue, otherwise “it will deepen the political crisis and lose the favorable opportunity for national revitalization”. On February 10-11, the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist Party convened the plenary session of the Central Committee in advance to discuss the conclusion of the “1956 incident”. At this meeting, the struggle was very fierce, and the party was obviously divided into two factions, Finally, the conclusion released by the two sides through consultation is: “in 1956, due to the incompetence of the leadership of the Hungarian Communist Party in reform, political group events occurred. Before October, there was a real people’s uprising. After October, the movement lost control, and some restoration forces and residual social evils mixed in, changing the nature of the movement.” At this time, various political groups sprung up like mushrooms, and the reform of the political system was put on the agenda. The biweekly magazine faith sent an open letter to all members of the social labor party, saying: “at the national round table, everyone who wants to achieve his goal by means of the constitution should have a place”. The historical track of




has returned to 1956. The programmatic issues of “multi-party system, diplomatic neutrality and withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact” put forward by Najib in 1956 are once again in front of the social labor party. They had realized that the situation of Soviet troops in 1956 could not be repeated. Therefore, the plenary session of the CPC Central Committee adopted the resolution of “position on several urgent issues of political system reform” and decided to open the ban on Party membership.

March 15, 1989 is the Hungarian youth day. The Social Labor Party’s appeal to jointly commemorate this festival with other groups was rejected. On March 15, the commemorative activities were held in two places. The official activities were in BEM square and the folk activities were in front of the statue of pedofi. As a result, there were two completely different scenes: the official activities were bleak and the folk activities organized by 31 political parties were powerful. They called for the rehabilitation of the Hungarian incident, demanded the withdrawal of the Soviet Union, opposed the one party system, and implemented speech, news The speeches on religious freedom continued one after another. Finally, the whole audience unanimously approved that October 23, the climax of the Hungarian incident in 1956, was designated as a national festival. This activity proved that the prestige of the social work party has been reduced to the extreme. On May 9, the Social Labor Party issued an announcement on the re burial of Naji, “the Central Committee believes that the burial of Naji and his comrades in arms on June 16, 1989 has historical symbolic significance”. The social labor party made a late evaluation of Naji: “Naji Imre is an important figure in Hungarian history after 1945. He is an outstanding country