Gorbachev said in an interview in 2001: “do you know how a cat cleans up a caught mouse: the mouse is bleeding and the cat is still torturing it, but he doesn’t want to eat it right away, just to humiliate it. That’s how Yeltsin treated me.”

former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and then Russian President Yeltsin shook hands in Parliament (data picture)

at 2 pm on August 22, 1991, the special plane of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and his entourage landed at Moscow’s Vnukovo 2 Airport, The guards tried to push back the people surrounding the president. While Gorbachev was answering reporters’ questions at the airport, according to the order signed by the Russian Federal Procuratorate, Soviet defense minister yazov and KGB chairman kluchkov, who had just returned to Moscow from Krim, were arrested. On the same day, Pavlov, Yanayev, starodubtsev and valenikov were also arrested. Baklanov, shenin and bolkin were also locked in the iron window later. A few days later, lukiyanov was also imprisoned.

Gorbachev’s first words at the airport were: “I seem to have returned to another country.” However, he did not deeply realize that in just a few days, drastic changes had taken place in Moscow, Russia and even the whole Soviet Union. Moscow’s real power is already in the hands of Russian Federation President Yeltsin, and he does not intend to share it with others. After the return of the Soviet President “saved” by Yeltsin to Moscow, it attracted extensive attention from all sectors of society and won public sympathy. Many people believe that Gorbachev has not only been insulted by the “national emergency committee”, but also is in an extremely dangerous situation. The enthusiasm and respect that people showed when welcoming Gorbachev at the airport was sincere, but it didn’t last long.

after a short break, Gorbachev came to the Kremlin to meet him with the Kremlin’s Guard commander and guards, Gorbachev’s assistants and advisers, office staff, and some members of the Supreme Soviet Union. When Gorbachev was elected president of the Soviet Union at the third Soviet people’s Congress, he did not establish a management organization like the presidential office later established by Yeltsin. From 1990 to 1991, the affairs of the whole country were actually managed jointly by the Council of ministers, various ministries and commissions, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the KGB and the Ministry of national defense. After the “August incident”, the work of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Council of ministers has been paralyzed, and the work of the KGB, the General Prosecutor’s office, the Supreme Court and other power organs has also been at a standstill. Gorbachev therefore decided to establish a new power control center, which should naturally start with a strong department. According to the order of the president of the Soviet Union, the former chief of the general staff, general Mikhail moyseyev, was appointed Minister of defense, and the former director of the first General Administration of the KGB (responsible for foreign intelligence), lieutenant general Leonid shebarshen, was appointed chairman of the KGB. At that time, because the Soviet Council of ministers had resigned collectively, Gorbachev considered appointing a new prime minister, but aides advised him to wait until the Soviet Supreme Soviet conference was held on August 26. Therefore, Ivan silayev, then chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation, was appointed as the interim Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.

from August 22, a huge demonstration was held on the Red Square. More and more Muscovites gathered in front of the Central Committee building of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the old square and the KGB headquarters building in dzerzhinski square. A large-scale “winner” rally was held near the “White House”, when the people’s representatives of the Russian Soviet Socialist Federal Republic were going to the “White House” to attend an emergency meeting. The protagonist of the day was undoubtedly Yeltsin. His appearance won a warm welcome from the masses. Only a few Soviet leaders attended the meeting, including Yakovlev, who was an adviser to the Soviet President before the August 19 incident. He later announced his withdrawal from the Soviet Communist Party. On the same day, Gorbachev did not appear in the “White House”. He just made a brief statement in the “time” column of the TV station. Then he presided over a large live TV news conference, which was attended by journalists from the Soviet Union, Russia and foreign countries.

the press conference was presided over by the president’s press secretary ignatenko. The theme was the three-day imprisonment of the Soviet President in Flores. Ignatenko particularly preferred foreign journalists. Everyone found a strange phenomenon that the president’s press secretary did not give any Soviet and Russian media the opportunity to ask questions, These media were seized on August 19 and lifted on August 22. It was not until August 24 that the media seized by the “national emergency committee” resumed publishing newspapers. Gorbachev did not answer all the questions at that time. “I can’t say everything,” he added after a moment of silence. “I can’t say everything at any time.” Gorbachev repeated what he had said at the airport not long ago: he felt like returning to another country after returning from Flores. Gorbachev added that after returning to Moscow, he seemed to have become another person. He said that he was not prepared to change his beliefs and that he remained a firm supporter of socialism. Gorbachev fiercely attacked the leaders of the “national emergency committee”, while doing his best to safeguard the actions taken by the Soviet Communist Party. He also expressed dissatisfaction with Yakovlev, who has announced his separation from the Soviet Communist Party. Gorbachev tried to convince the participants that he still controlled the whole country and the situation in Moscow, but everyone knew that this was not the case. As ignatenko said a year later, “Gorbachev did not foresee or foresee his resignation. He always believed that he was omnipotent and could stop anything with a stroke of his pen.” Arguments and facts, No. 29-30, 1992, p. 2. According to the situation of “SPE”, “KDS”, “spkds” in 1991, there is noGorbachev expected the direction of development. On the evening of August 22, most of the demonstrators moved to the old square and Lubyanka square. Thousands of people gathered on the grass next to the statue of dzerzhinski, the asphalt road leading to the square and the surrounding lawn. The demonstrators were enthusiastic, and the people who had defended the “White House” not long ago formed a human wall. In order to be prepared to protect the KGB headquarters building from damage, shebalshen immediately summoned the staff of the KGB headquarters and asked them to stick to their posts, but no one knew what to do. About 20000 people gathered on the front of Building 2 in Lubyanka. They shouted slogans, sang songs praising Magadan, and painted various attack and abuse slogans on the walls of the building. After 5 pm, the demonstrators began to try to pull down the iron statue of “dzerzhinski” with a steel cable, which caused panic in the Moscow municipal government. The deputy mayor of Moscow Stankovic, who rushed to the square, explained to the demonstrators that if the several ton statue collapses, it will not only block the traffic, but also affect the subway tunnel. “The Moscow Soviet decided today to dismantle all similar statues and we will take immediate action,” he assured the people “Do it now, now!” The crowd shouted.

after 9 p.m., under the mapping of the festival salute, three cranes and a tractor arrived at the dzerzhinski square. Shebalshen stood at the window of his office, gazing at what was happening in front of him. He recalled afterwards: “At that time, two powerful crane trucks approached the statue. A volunteer had climbed onto the shoulder of the statue of dzerzhinski and was wrapping an iron rope around the neck and body of the statue. Then he straightened up, pulled his pants and made a gesture, which meant ‘ready to lift’, and he looked like an expert. I forced myself to look at this bitter wine Be sure to swallow it. Do I feel pain? No, what happened is taken for granted: we paid for the shortsightedness, supremacy and selfishness of our leaders, and for our stupidity and recklessness. This is the end of one era and the beginning of another. The wheels of history never stop… Cranes roar, crowds shout and magnesium lights flash.

the statue of dzerzhinski, whose neck is tightly wrapped by a rope, is hung in the middle of the square, and the two legs made of pig iron swing around under the statue’s coat. Felix edmondvich has long been in peace. Should people be responsible for the sins of future generations after death? ” Leonid shebalshen: the life of the spy chief, Moscow, 1994, pp. 110-111. The statue was taken away at midnight, but the rally continued. Rostropovich spoke in front of the crowd. He suggested that a Solzhenitsyn monument be built in this place.

shebarshen and moysayev only stayed in their new posts for one day. Yeltsin was furious when he knew that Gorbachev appointed the leader of the powerful department. In the early morning of August 23, Yeltsin called Gorbachev and asked him to cancel the appointment that had been issued. Yeltsin said: “moyseyev participated in the riots, and shebarshen was from khrushkov.” But his request was rejected by Gorbachev because the appointment had been broadcast on television news and would be published in the newspaper the next day. On the morning of August 23, Yeltsin came to the Kremlin to meet with Gorbachev. This was the first meeting between the two since the “August incident”. The atmosphere of the meeting was quite tense. Yeltsin strongly urged the president of the Soviet Union to consult with the president of Russia when making any personnel changes.

Gorbachev promised to “consider” revoking his order, but Yeltsin said sternly that he would not leave the office of the president of the Soviet Union as long as moysayev and shebarshen had not been dismissed. At the same time, Yeltsin also imposed on Gorbachev a new list of candidates for leaders of the Soviet powerful departments and the foreign ministry. Yeltsin believed that the defense minister of the Soviet Union should be field marshal Shaposhnikov, who refused to carry out yazov’s order on August 19, 1991; The chairman of the Soviet KGB should be bakkin. He was one of Gorbachev’s confidants not long ago. In the presidential election of the Russian Federation in June 1991, he was also one of Yeltsin’s main competitors. However, in the “August incident”, he did not support the state emergency committee, but announced his unconditional support for Yeltsin.

in addition, the candidate recommended by Yeltsin for the Minister of the interior of the Soviet Union was general Viktor baranykov, who was already the acting Minister of the interior of the Russian Federation at that time and was deeply trusted by Yeltsin. Yeltsin also elected Boris Pankin, a journalist, as the foreign minister of the Soviet Union. He served as the Soviet ambassador to Czechoslovakia in 1991. From August 19 to 20, he was the only Ambassador of the Soviet Union who did not transfer the documents of the national emergency committee to the leaders of the host countries. Although Czechoslovak president Javier was eager to learn the details of the Moscow incident from the Soviet ambassador, Pankin skillfully avoided a formal meeting with Javier until the collapse of the national emergency committee. Gorbachev was forced to accept Yeltsin’s ultimatum.

Gorbachev tried to prove in his memoirs that the appointment and removal orders were made by himself, However, Bakhkin wrote in his memoir: “on the morning of August 23, we were urgently summoned to the Kremlin. We know that Yeltsin was sitting in Gorbachev’s office at that time. The contents of the new appointment were produced at Yeltsin’s instigation. Yeltsin not only appointed a new chairman of the KGB, but also authorized him to completely restructure the KGB.” Bakhkin, F.: getting rid of the KGB, Moscow, 1992, P. 22. Yeltsin also pointed out in his memoir that he talked with Gorbachev in an imperative tone at the beginning. He hoped that the president of the Soviet Union would understand that their relations had completely changed from now on. Yeltsin wrote: “Gorbachev stared at me. It was a desperate look when people were forced to a corner,I had no choice at that time, and the situation required me to take a decisive and firm position. ” Boris Yeltsin: notes of the president, Moscow, 1994, P. 144. The dual regime of Gorbachev and Yeltsin is over, although it will take Gorbachev a few weeks to fully accept this fact.

on the morning of August 23, at the invitation of Yeltsin and hasbratov, Gorbachev went to the “White House” to attend the extraordinary meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation held here the day before. When Gorbachev arrived at the gate of the “White House”, the crowd showed a very unfriendly attitude. Many people shouted, “quit! Quit!” Gorbachev delivered a speech on the rostrum, and his meeting with the Russian people’s representatives was also broadcast live on television. For various reasons, Gorbachev’s speech in the live program left a very bad impression on most people. His speech lacked coherence and was intermittent. Then his speech evolved into an insulting question initiated by Yeltsin. Yeltsin first tried to force Gorbachev to publicly approve all the orders signed by the Russian president from August 19 to 21, in which the Russian president has exercised the functions and powers of the president of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev did not even have time to see these orders at that time. He pleaded: “Boris Nikolayevich, we have not discussed to disclose these orders immediately. These are still secrets.” Yeltsin retorted: “Mikhail sergeyevich, this is no secret. This matter is serious. These orders were specially drafted by the whole group. We call them ‘orders and resolutions passed in the besieged Soviet building’. We now give them to you!” Quoted from the minutes of the Supreme Soviet conference of the Russian Federation on August 23, 1991. (there were warm applause, noise, whistles, screams and mockery in the hall).

then Yeltsin handed Gorbachev a shorthand record, saying it was a meeting record of the Soviet Council of Ministers announcing its support for the “national emergency committee”. He asked Gorbachev to read it out publicly at the meeting. In fact, the meeting of Soviet ministers held on August 19 was held in the absence of some members. At that time, no one made a record or adopted any resolution in support of the “national emergency committee”. It only informed Prime Minister Pavlov of the announcement of the state of emergency. The record Yeltsin handed over to Gorbachev is likely to be just the meeting notes of a minister. A few minutes later, Yeltsin interrupted Gorbachev’s speech again. He said to the representative of the Supreme Soviet: “comrades, in order to ease the situation, please allow me to consider and sign the order to stop the activities of the Russian Communist Party…” (cheers and shouts “great!” rang out in the hall again, “Long live!”) Gorbachev shouted in panic, “Boris Nikolayevich… Boris Nikolayevich.” But Yeltsin pretended not to hear and shouted, “I’m signing, and the order has been signed.” “Long live!” sounded again in the hall And “great!” A loud cry.

Gorbachev tried to oppose: “I don’t know the name and content of this order. If it is really like what Boris Nikolayevich said, in this case, I don’t think the Supreme Soviet should support President Boris Nikolayevich, although I personally respect his view on this (screams in the hall). Be quiet, not the whole Russian Communist Party or all Communists participated in and supported the rebellion (screams again in the hall). Therefore, if it can be proved that the Russian Communist Committee and other state committees supported the activities of the national emergency committee, I will agree to this order. I believe that banning the activities of the Russian Communist Party will be a mistake for both the Supreme Soviet of democracy and the president of Russia. So, should this order be signed? ” Yeltsin replied: “Mikhail sergeyevich did not prohibit the Russian Communist Party, but suspended its activities before the judicial authorities investigated whether the Russian Communist Party was involved in these events. This is completely legal.” Gorbachev said, “that’s another matter.” The stormy applause of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation on August 23, 1991.

when he stepped down from the podium, Gorbachev looked staggered and disappointed. A few minutes later, Yeltsin invited Gorbachev to his office. Gorbachev still remembers this separate meeting between the two ten years later. He said in an interview in 2001: “do you know how a cat cleans up a caught mouse: the mouse is bleeding and the cat is still torturing it, but he doesn’t want to eat it right away, just to humiliate it. That’s how Yeltsin treated me.” A newspaper once wrote: “after meeting Yeltsin, Gorbachev we saw has become another person. He looks like a gray running dog following his owner who scolded him.” Gorbachev was already dignified and humiliated, while Yeltsin gloated. The next day, the western media published many satirical articles and comics related to this. One of the comics described the tall and powerful Yeltsin dragging the small and decadent Gorbachev’s hand.

giulieto kiyeza, an Italian journalist who has a good opinion of Gorbachev, has written many articles about Gorbachev, He once described what happened in the hall of the Supreme Soviet conference of the Russian Federation at that time: “The tit for tat and compassionate confrontation lasted for an hour and a half, which was largely a process of attacking the legitimate president rather than realizing the return of presidential power. Gorbachev tried every means to prove the existence of his dual regime with Yeltsin, but Boris Nikolayevich fanned the flames step by step from Gorbachev’s answer to the representative’s questions But this is just the beginning of this incredible and unprecedented farce, which is really thought-provoking‘ Do you think socialism should be abolished and the Communist Party dissolved in the Soviet Union because it is a criminalCriminal organizations? ” One representative asked aggressively. Goliath is like being hung on a torture rack: ‘you know, it’s like the Crusade… Socialism is a belief. Like you, I advocate freedom of thought and pluralism. No one has the right to doubt this freedom. Abolishing socialism and dissolving the Communist Party are utopian and persecuting dissidents. ” Gorbachev tried to restrain himself: “there are thousands of honest comrades in the Communist Party. We can’t confuse them with the rebels.” However, Yeltsin has signed an order to stop Communist activities and announced the seizure of the Central Committee building of the Soviet Communist Party. Gorbachev’s previous call to “unite all democratic forces” and his suggestion that “conservative forces should not be given an opportunity” have come to naught. The winner always wants everything. ” Free thought, No. 8, 1992, P. 10.

on the afternoon of August 23, the center of the event was transferred to the old square, and a large number of demonstrators gathered in front of the building of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. A proposal on banning the Soviet Communist Party and confiscating its property has been put forward at the Supreme Soviet and Moscow Soviet Assembly held on August 22. Moscow mayor gavril Popov made a more radical proposal. He not only called for the immediate ban of the Communist Party and the confiscation of all its assets, but also to “eradicate all the poison of communism”. To this end, he suggested banning the publication of all newspapers and magazines that publicize communist ideas, including Pravda, Soviet Russia and workers’ Forum. This is not just oral talk. Popov issued a decision on nationalizing the property of the Moscow municipal Party committee and district party committees on the same day.

on the evening of August 22, Popov led a fierce crowd to the municipal Party committee building in the new square. People threw stones at the windows of the building. In order to check the property of the Moscow municipal Party committee, they also specially called the management personnel of the municipal government. But at that time, the municipal Party committee had finished work and the staff had left, so all the rooms in the building were locked. The organizers of the action finally decided not to pry open the doors and safes of the offices of the municipal Party Committee for the time being, but to seal off the main door of the municipal Party committee building. On the same night, the Central Committee building of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on the adjacent old square also escaped being looted. On the second day of

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, that is, August 23, most of the staff of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Russia still insisted on working. The secretaries of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, farIn, zasokhov, shimonova and Kalashnikov, all appeared in their offices as before; Kupzov, who succeeded polozkov as the first Secretary of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party in July, also insisted on working in the building of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party. Prokofiev, the first Secretary of the Moscow municipal Party committee of the Soviet Communist Party, and other staff of the municipal Party committee also came to work here, because their own office building has been sealed up. On the evening of August 22, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union held a meeting under the leadership of deputy general secretary ivashko. Only baklanov and schenen did not attend. The meeting adopted a resolution on the review of the “national emergency committee” risk-taking action. However, the late resolution could not be published because all party newspapers had been closed from August 22 to September 4, and the TV station did not report on the resolution of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee. Everyone is waiting for the worst. The person in charge of the Party committee carefully checked the documents in his office cabinet, desk and safe, and destroyed most of them. The end of the

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events is approaching step by step, and angry crowds are still gathering in the old square and the new square. When Gorbachev attended the Russian Supreme Soviet congress at the “White House”, he received a small note written to him by burbliss, It reads: “the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is stepping up the destruction of documents, and the general secretary should immediately order the suspension of the activities of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Luzhkov has cut off the power supply. Someone will be ordered to implement the instructions of the president of the Soviet Union, the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Luzhkov. Bulblis.” The president of the Soviet Union and the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union scrawled a written instruction on this note: “agree. Gorbachev. August 23, 1991.” A few days later, a photo copy of the document was posted on many buildings, see the independent on 27 August 1992.

after completing his mission in the old square, Yeltsin rushed back to the official residence of alhangersk village on August 23, where he held a grand celebration dinner attended by his confidants and friends. At that time, only vice president ruzkoy did not receive the invitation letter, which deeply hurt his self-esteem. He did not know the reason why he was out of favor. This is probably because at that time, lutzkoy thought he was a communist and intended to establish a new party, the Communist People’s Democratic Party. However, lutzkoy’s credit was soon recognized. He was awarded the rank of major general according to Yeltsin’s proposal, and he was only a colonel before the “August incident” in 1991.

the destruction of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union approved by Gorbachev is one of the inevitable steps leading to the disintegration of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. On the morning of August 24, Gorbachev summoned several confidants to his office, including primakov and Yakovlev, as well as several aides, including grachov. They came to the walnut hall adjacent to the president’s reception room, which has always been a “small-scale” place for members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau to discuss the most important and sensitive issues. In his later memoirs, grachov wrote: “Gorbachev, accompanied by Vadim Medvedev, a member of the Presidential Council, walked into the hall. This was the first time we met since Gorbachev returned from Crimea. As he had just returned from his vacation in the south, Gorbachev’s face looked dark and healthy, but his facial expression was unusually gloomy. This contrast deeply shocked me. Gorbachev’s eyes His bright eyes often impress people who meet him for the first time, but now his eyes have become dim, which reflects the great inner change that has taken place in him in the past week: he has lost his lifeThe indestructible self-confidence of the past has given comrades infinite strength and frightened their opponents.

Gorbachev nodded in agreement after reading our report. Then he handed us two pages of paper and said: “this is my statement to resign from the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee and the order to hand over the Party committee office building and other property to the state for protection. I hope there will be no disaster like the Hungarian incident in 1956. It will be easy for us to destroy everything. ” The conversation naturally turned to the fate of the party. Gorbachev said: “although I persisted to the last day, they finally rejected the decision to restructure the Soviet Communist Party. I am worthy of my conscience. They betrayed the general secretary of the party. ” Andre grachov: Gorbachev, Moscow, 2001, pp. 388-389. Finally, the two statements were combined into one, then handed over to the media, and the statement was immediately published on the radio. Gorbachev pointed out in the statement: “The Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union failed to prevent the national coup, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union did not decisively condemn and show different positions, failed to call on the Communist Party members to carry out the struggle against the violation of the constitution, and there was no lack of leading members of the party organization among the rebels, which put thousands of Communist Party members in an embarrassing situation.

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in this case, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had to take the difficult but only reasonable decision to dissolve itself. I don’t think I can fulfill the duties of the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee in the future. I will resign all my powers. ” Russian newspaper, 27 August 1991. Gorbachev’s resignation statement is not only hypocritical and contradictory, but also a serious violation of the constitution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which does not stipulate such a way of resignation. The general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union can only apply to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for resignation. According to the new party constitution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev was directly elected at the plenary meeting of the 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Therefore, only the Congress of the party has the right to finally decide his fate. Gorbachev was very clear at that time that most members of the Political Bureau and Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee did not participate in any preparation and organizational activities of the “national emergency committee”. At the beginning of the investigation of the “August incident”, someone spread that the decision to establish the “national emergency committee” had been approved by the party organization. In fact, it is impossible to convene all members of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee in a short time in mid August, let alone members of the Political Bureau, because most of them are the supreme leaders of the Soviet republics.

at that time, most of the leaders of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union were on vacation, while Deputy General Secretary ivashko was hospitalized at that time. They all learned about the establishment of the “national emergency committee” from news reports. Because they did not have comprehensive information, they could not have a completely consistent response to the whole situation. I saw with my own eyes that some members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Russia and several ministers spent their holidays in the red stone sanatorium and other sanatoriums in kislovotsk. In addition, the person in charge of the Stavropol State Party committee also came here for consultation. They decided not to support the “national emergency committee” or Yeltsin, but to take a wait-and-see attitude. Now it seems that this approach is correct and should not be blamed.

Gorbachev even suggested that the central committee consider and adopt the so-called “difficult decision on self dissolution”. However, if this decision is to be adopted, the plenary session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union should first be convened to discuss the current situation. If the party’s leading organs at all levels have been destroyed, the general secretary of the Party Central Committee will resign, In this case, how to convene the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union? Only Gorbachev could convene such a plenary meeting in his capacity as president, because he still had some power in his hands, but Gorbachev refused to consider this issue. Moreover, the dissolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union does not mean the dissolution of the whole Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Only the extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has the right to consider and adopt the decision on the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. As early as the summer and autumn of 1989, some of Gorbachev’s aides suggested that he resign as general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and transfer to the emerging democratic movement at that time. In 1990, Gorbachev’s opposition in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union also asked him to resign, but Gorbachev successfully retained his position at the second 18th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

at that time, Gorbachev also began to consider establishing a new political party similar to the Social Democratic Party in the Soviet Union. In his memoirs, Gorbachev described his original intention in 1989 and 1990: “I am the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Thousands of people trusted me to give me this position. If I went to other camps, it would be immoral, unreasonable and even criminal.” Mikhail Gorbachev: life and reform, Moscow, 1995, P. 437.

in fact, Gorbachev just made such a contemptuous behavior at the end of August 1991. Compared to a man who steered a huge ship in the wind and waves more than once. According to such a metaphor, it is entirely reasonable to say that at the end of August 1991, when the huge ship encountered a strong storm and faced extinction, Gorbachev, as the captain, was the first to leave the ship. For a captain, such behavior is simply intolerable. In the order issued on August 23, Yeltsin only asked to suspend the activities of the Russian Communist Party, because as Russian President, he had no power to take any measures against the whole Soviet Communist Party. However, Gorbachev’s resignation statement made Yeltsin free from the action of undermining the Soviet Communist Party. On August 25, Yeltsin clearly stipulated in the “order on the assets of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union” signed by Yeltsin: “in view of the dissolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the cessation of the activities of the Communist Party of Russia, all movable and immovable properties, all rubles and foreign exchange funds belonging to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Russia will become state-owned assets of the Russian Federation, including the existence in the Russian FederationAll funds in banks, insurance companies, joint-stock companies, joint ventures and other enterprises and institutions at home and abroad. Other assets of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union abroad will be distributed in accordance with the alliance treaties signed by the participating republics. ” Russian newspaper, 27 August 1991. We can see that Yeltsin has implemented Gorbachev’s statement on dissolving the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party as an established resolution of the whole party.

in the 19th and 20th centuries, the governments of many countries in the world banned the activities of various political parties such as socialism, social democracy and communism. In this case, these parties have turned underground in order to wait for the opportunity to revive again. However, for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, this road is no longer feasible, because it has been completely knocked down and no longer exists, and the date of its demise is August 24, 1991. Although the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was established in February 1993, it is completely another political party in terms of its composition, structure and ideological theory. Moreover, the Russian Communist Party was born in different countries, because a few months later, the Soviet Union no longer exists. The downfall of

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and “national emergency committee”, the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the resignation of the Soviet Council of ministers, and the transfer of real power in Russia to President Yeltsin of the Russian Federation, all of which can not but change the fate of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and the people’s Congress of the Soviet Union. The new Soviet parliament elected in 1989 for a five-year term has only completed less than half of its course.