Molotov said: “three of the five members of the Politburo oppose each time, and Lenin must work with them.” “Once something like a joke happened. Lenin woke up, opened his eyes, looked and closed his eyes – surrounded by prospective enemies, or 100% enemies.” Obviously, it’s a joke, and it’s a ridiculous joke. Can such a headquarters defeat strong enemies, seize power and shake the world? “Opposing Lenin every time” is also inconsistent with the facts. It’s just that they often argue and disagree. Lenin was successful because the people around him were comrades, comrades in arms and admonishing friends, instead of “flattering ministers” and “flattering ministers”, instead of listening to compliments all day.
six and a half years from the October Revolution to Lenin’s death, the Russian Communist Party went through several periods of seizing power, putting the power in jeopardy, doing everything possible to keep the power and consolidate the power. “The party is surrounded by powerful enemies inside and outside.” Nevertheless, it did not affect the democratic supervision and democratic decision-making within the party.
after the October Revolution and before Lenin’s death, the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) held six national congresses, five national congresses and 45 plenary sessions of the Central Committee. In the past 77 months, the party’s highest organ has held so many meetings to collectively make decisions on party and government, military and state affairs, and realized the supervision of the Party Congress over the Central Committee and Party organizations at all levels. At these meetings, no formality or formality is allowed. There is no pressure of power, no flattery, no flattery, no whitewash, no terror, and the participants can express their opinions freely. Most of the resolutions adopted have been warmly discussed and debated, and the opinions of all parties have been noted. Just from this point of view, it can also be described as the golden age of inner-party democracy. In the era of
, the Party Congress and most of the plenary sessions of the Central Committee are like “directed drama”. The script, roles, lines and directors have been decided in advance. They can give play to creativity and initiative within this scope, but there is no atmosphere of freedom and democracy, no dissatisfaction, and no faction with different opinions. In Lenin’s era, despite political dangers, the party and the country “experienced disasters, poverty and sacrifice never seen in the world”. However, the party’s congresses, congresses and central committees are still held in accordance with the law, and inner-party democracy is still vibrant. Not only “say everything you know and say everything”, but also “those who speak are innocent and those who hear are full of precepts”. In Trotsky’s words, “the party has full freedom to criticize and oppose.” None of the meetings stopped at cheering and unanimous approval by acclamation, let alone turning the party’s meetings into a hall of speech, without formality and formality, let alone implementing extreme centralism and battle command system at the party’s meetings. Instead, they earnestly carried forward democracy and implemented the “Twelve permits” of democratic supervision and democratic decision-making.
1. You can make side reports with different views.
before the formation of a resolution, the understanding of the leading group cannot be consistent. Their estimation and analysis of the situation, prediction of the development of the situation, assumption of strategies, tactics and policies, arrangement and change of major personnel, evaluation of achievements and shortcomings, experience and lessons can not be consistent, and they will have different views and opinions. “Without differences of opinion, the life of the party will stop.” This is what Stalin said after the revolution in February 1917. Therefore, in Lenin’s period, at national and local Party congresses, deputy reports with different views from the main report can be made to express different opinions and opinions, and decisions agreed by the majority can be made through discussion, debate and voting. It is difficult to cite three typical examples: first, in April 1917, at the Seventh Congress of the whole party, 151 delegates discussed Lenin’s “outline of April”, Lenin and gaminiev made the principal and Deputy reports respectively, gaminiev and likov opposed the “outline of four days” and believed that the socialist revolution was not yet mature. After discussion, the meeting supported Lenin’s outline. Example 2: from May 14 to 17, 1918, the Moscow Regional Bureau of the Russian Communist Party held a meeting of party representatives to discuss the current situation. Lomov, head of the Moscow party, made a report on behalf of “left communism”. He fiercely criticized the party’s internal and external policies. Then Lenin made a deputy report, refuting all kinds of wrong views of “leftist Communists”. The two reports were discussed at the meeting. Lenin and molov, the two speakers, made their concluding reports respectively. Finally, the meeting adopted a resolution based on Lenin’s report by 42:9. After the failure of the “left Communists”, they declared that they refused to participate in the new Moscow Regional Bureau Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik). Soon, the development of the situation proved Lenin correct, and the opposition admitted its mistakes. Example 3: in April 1925, after Stalin made the central work report at the 14th National Congress of the Russian Communist Party, Zinoviev made a deputy report on behalf of the opposition. Because according to the provisions agreed by the representatives of all delegations, each delegation can propose its own Deputy Rapporteur at the request of 40 representatives with voting rights. Although opposition parties such as Zinoviev, gaminev and Lenin’s wife Krupskaya failed to attract delegates to stand on their own side, this shows that before and after Lenin’s death, making Deputy reports with different views at various party meetings for comparison and selection is a way to seek correct decision-making. Therefore, it complies with the provisions of the party constitution and is regarded as normal and mature. Here is a more vivid example. On September 19, 1921, the Petrograd party organized and held a meeting of party activists, and Political Bureau member Zinoviev also took charge of Petrograd. He made the main report and guulanov, Secretary of the provincial Party committee, made the Deputy report. Among the 1700 participants, only 3400 were in favor of the season, while 13400 were in favor of Ukraine. Zinoviev was naturally dissatisfied and made a report to the Central Committee, accusing gulanov and others of non party “tendencies”. The Central Committee elected three “special committees” (Lenin, Stalin and Molotov) to discuss Ji’s letter. Lenin wrote back the letter and pointed out to Ji that Ukraine and others did not have “that tendency”, “There is a reasonable desire of the majority to become the majority and replace another group of people, and it is through this group of people that you ‘manage’ another group of people. As people mature, their wishes are also consistentReasonable. ”
2. They can put forward their own motions and motions on appropriate occasions, express their own opinions and propositions, and elect party representatives according to the program.
in 1920, Trotsky proposed “militarization of trade unions” and “nationalization of trade unions”, because he was used to commanding wars for a long time after the October Revolution and wanted to transplant the military system to trade unions. This naturally aroused opposition from trade union leaders. Lenin criticized Trotsky’s view and thought it was too much. Bukharin took a compromise attitude, but slightly partial attitude. In the representative election of Moscow Regional Party Congress in November 1920, the far left opposition group won 124 representative seats. The Central Committee has only 30 more followers than it. On December 7, 1920, the Party Central Committee discussed the matter, and Lenin was in the minority position by one vote. Lenin believed that the matter was important and should not be careless. He suggested that the trade union issue be submitted to the whole party for discussion. In early 1921, the debate on trade union issues spread from the central government to local governments. The Petersburg Party committee supports Lenin’s program, but the Moscow Party committee opposes Lenin’s program. On January 12, the plenary session of the Central Committee decided that a completely free debate must be held, and any party organization has the right to express its own opinions and opinions. Eight major factions with their own programs have emerged in the party. In the Party Central Committee, there are the Trotsky Bukharin United faction, the “ten person program faction” headed by Lenin, as well as the “workers’ opposition” and so on. Lenin wrote twice criticizing the mistakes of Tuo and bu. During the heated debate, the political situation deteriorated rapidly. The karangstad riot was like a thunder (because it was a rebellion participated by its own army and even its own party members), which sent a danger warning to the whole party, and the debate gradually stopped. Because the debate has become extremely dangerous. Lenin solemnly put forward in the opening speech of the Tenth National Congress: the debate must be ended; The party must be united and the opposition is not allowed in the party. He said: we should “determine these and turn them into obligations that the party must abide by and into laws”. However, at the Tenth National Congress of the Russian Communist Party, Zinoviev made a report on behalf of the ten member program school. Trotsky made a deputy report on behalf of the United faction and pniko on behalf of the “workers’ opposition”. Two other people from each faction made speeches at the meeting. The final voting result of the general assembly was: “the ten member platform won 326 votes. The other two factions won 50 votes and 18 votes respectively”. Finally, the slightly revised “ten person program” became a resolution of the general assembly. At the same time, the general assembly also banned factional activities that “have a special political platform”, “strive for independence” and “establish group discipline”. However, Party members, especially party leaders and Party organizations at all levels, are not prohibited from putting forward their own opinions, propositions and suggestions on appropriate occasions, while allowing and encouraging absolutely necessary criticism of the party’s shortcomings. Here’s another episode. Before the Tenth National Congress, the plenary session of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) made a decision on January 12, 1921: the election of deputies to the Tenth National Congress “can be carried out according to different programs”. According to the spirit of banning factional activities, this decision is naturally “illegal”. Therefore, for example, leonzanov suggested that “the Congress condemns factional activities most resolutely, and at the same time, it also resolutely opposes the election of the Congress according to different programs”. It should be said that this proposal is logical. However, it was opposed by Lenin, and the Congress also rejected the proposal. Lenin said: “we will never conduct elections according to different platforms. I think we can’t prohibit it.” “If there are fundamental differences of opinion, can we prohibit the submission of different opinions to the whole party for adjudication? No! This is an extravagant hope and can not be realized. Therefore, I propose to veto it.”