several trends of local nationalism.
Indian national problems do not exist only after independence.
As early as the beginning of this century or earlier, many ethnic groups (such as Tamils, Sikhs, Bangladeshis, etc.
) explicitly demanded to recognize the existence of their own special interests.
Some even put forward the idea of establishing an independent state of their own nation.
However, since India was a colony at that time, all ethnic groups united to target the struggle against foreign colonial rule in order to achieve national independence, which was a historic task and the premier common goal of all ethnic groups in China.
Nevertheless, with the strengthening of political and economic ties among ethnic groups, the improvement of national consciousness and consciousness, and the British colonialists’ policy of provoking national relations and creating national disputes, national relations are becoming increasingly tense.
Especially in the 1940s, India’s future of getting rid of colonial rule and establishing an independent country became clearer, and the rights and status of all ethnic groups became more and more prominent.
In view of this situation, the Communist Party of India clearly put forward the principle of national self-determination from 1942 to 1946.
In the memorandum to the British cabinet special envoy group in 1946, it even put forward the idea of re dividing administrative regions according to ethnic groups.
“We believe that the interim government should undertake the task of establishing a demarcation commission to redraw the boundaries according to the natural ancient hometown of each nation, so that the redrawn provinces can become ethnic units of the same language and culture as far as possible, such as Xindi, patanglan, Balochistan, West Punjab, etc.
,” the memorandum said After India’s independence in 1947, although the constitution provided for a federal system of government, the decision-makers of the ruling Congress Party tried to build India into a highly centralized country.
They believe that power concentration is conducive to consolidating national independence and promoting the development of national economy.
However, at the same time, another trend, that is, the tendency of national autonomy in the form of local nationalism, has developed rapidly.
The first manifestation of this trend is the requirement to redraw the state boundary according to language.
India is a multilingual country, and no language is used by most residents.
Before independence, the colonialists deliberately disordered the administrative divisions in accordance with their policy of “divide and rule” and sow discord among ethnic groups.
Many languages are often mixed in a province and state, and one language is often used by residents living in two or even several provinces and states.
In fact, a region is often inhabited by multiple nationalities, and a nation is often divided into two or even several regions.
This situation hinders mutual understanding and solidarity among people on a broader basis.
Therefore, nationalist leaders such as, tirak and Prasad have long advocated the re division of Indian administrative regions on the basis of language.
They believe that this is a stage of the Indian people’s struggle against imperialism and feudalism and is necessary to mobilize the people to participate in national administration.
In 1920, the Congress Party reorganized the original provincial committees according to different language regions.
Nehru reiterated this position many times before India’s independence in 1947, and even several months after independence.
Since then, however, the Indian government’s policy has changed.
In June 1948, the constituent assembly appointed a body called the language Provincial Committee to study and propose solutions to the language requirements of all ethnic groups.
According to the report of the committee, the main basis for the establishment of provinces should be whether it is convenient for administration.
Language issues should be considered on this premise, rather than a separate investigation of language factors.
In December 1948, the Congress party decided to form a new language provincial committee composed of Nehru, WA bater and PA sitaramaya to examine the decisions made by the party in this regard in the past and the requirements of the new situation.
The report released by the Committee in April 1949 made a negative judgment on the long-standing policy of the Congress party to establish a language province.
“We believe that this is not the right time to establish a new province.
This will certainly delay the process of consolidating the achievements we have achieved, confuse our administrative, economic and financial structures, release the forces of disintegration and division at the stage of our formation, and seriously interfere with the gradual solution of difficult economic and political problems,” it said On the other hand, due to the strengthening of local nationalist forces and the rapid development of small and medium-sized bourgeoisie, the contradiction between the broad masses of domestic nationalities and the ruling group has become increasingly prominent, and the voice of re dividing administrative regions based on language has become higher and higher.
The first is the Telugu people living in the southeast.
Extensive mass movements developed into riots, posing a serious threat to social security.
The struggle for the establishment of a language state culminated in the hunger strike to the death of Botti srilamlu, a popular leader of the nation and a member of the old Congress party, in 1952.
Under such circumstances, the central government of India had to make concessions.
Andhra Pradesh was officially established in October 1953 as a Telugu language state and a separate administrative unit.
At the same time, under the pressure of the mass movement, the Indian government announced the establishment of the state Restructuring Committee headed by Supreme Court judge Fazal Ali at the end of December 1953 to further study the issue of language based state building.
However, the committee adopts a “balanced approach” to the relationship between local and central governments.
On the one hand, it believes that national unity should be the main consideration for re dividing administrative regions, and rejects the theory of “one language, one state”.
On the other hand, it is also recognized that language identity is an important factor to facilitate administrative management and improve administrative efficiency.
The political regions of the Federation should usually be reorganized according to the requirements of language.
The establishment of Andhra Pradesh set a precedent for the re division of administrative regions based on language, and the establishment of the state Restructuring Commission actually recognized the rationality of national language requirements.
Since then, mass movements have sprung up everywhere, with strikes, strikes, strikes, protest rallies and demonstrations, and frequent clashes with the military and police.
Some radical political parties and social groups, such as the Communist Party and the socialist party, have also clearly expressed their support for the requirement of establishing a language state.
However, the Indian big bourgeoisie, represented by the Tata consortium and the birra consortium, firmly opposes it.
They believe that this will encourage the tendency of localism and hinder national unity and economic development.
Even among the leadership of the central government and the Congress party, the debate over different opinions is also fierce.
In short, the debate and struggle over the establishment of a language state became an important issue related to stabilizing the political situation and consolidating the foundation of political power in the early days of India’s independence.
In this context, in 1956, the Indian government decided to re divide and adjust administrative regions according to the recommendations of the state Restructuring Commission, which had made significant changes.
The main contents are: under the condition that Madras, Andhra, Mumbai, Punjab, Rajasthan, north, Bihar, West Bengal, Assam and Orissa continue to exist and some of them have been adjusted, Kerala State, kanatak state and Madhya Pradesh with Malayalam language, kanada language and Hindi language are newly established.
In this way, the entire administrative region of India will be unified into 14 states and six central territories.
The establishment of the language state in 1956 eased the contradictions between ethnic groups and the central government and between them to a certain extent in some sensitive areas.
First of all, it is not difficult for people to implement the language system in the south.
Although there are some factors that the local ethnic forces in the southern region are relatively strong and the people strongly demand to respect and carry forward their excellent language and cultural traditions, the main reason is that the main ethnic Hindustan in the northern region has great power and has a strong foundation of the big bourgeoisie.
Especially in the former Mumbai state, there is great resistance to the implementation of national language state.
Although the plan to divide Mumbai on the basis of language has long been proposed, it has not been implemented.
Mumbai is still a two language state.
The Sikh people in Punjab have not met their requirements for independent statehood.
In Assam, many tribes strongly call for the establishment of their own language state.
Therefore, the focus of the movement for the establishment of language States shifted from the south to the north.
At this time, Mumbai was mainly composed of two parts: Gujarati in the north and maladi in the south.
Originally, the two ethnic groups living here can also establish states based on language, but the ownership of Mumbai has aroused fierce debate.
In terms of the composition of urban residents, Marathi people account for the majority, but the Gujarat bourgeoisie occupies a dominant position in economic life.
The marathians first proposed to divide Mumbai into two language States, Maharashtra and Gujarat.
Mass movements in Marathi speaking counties quickly developed into widespread riots, with police firing, killing 80 people.
The movement is aimed at both Gujarati and the central government.
Subsequently, there were mass riots in the Gujarat area.
Two opposing mass language front organizations were established, one called Maharashtra Joint Committee and the other called greater Gujarat people’s Committee.
The ruling position of the Congress Party in Mumbai is threatened.
In the second general election held in 1957, six state ministers of the Congress Party and three central government ministers were defeated by the opposition.
Seeing that the situation was not good, the central government made a move and divided the former Mumbai into two states in 1960, establishing Gujarat and Maharashtra.
Mumbai belonged to the latter and became its capital.
The reclassification of Punjab has typical significance.
At this time, Punjab contains a vast area, and its nationality and language are not unified.
There are two main nationalities, Sikh and Hindustan, and the two main languages are Punjabi and Hindi.
At the beginning of India’s independence, in view of the special social structure of Punjab, the Hindus and Sikhs in the state parliament passed a resolution stating that under the condition that Punjab is not divided, special constitutional measures are urgently needed to meet the legitimate aspirations and rights of Sikhs.
Despite the conflict between Sikhs and hindustans on language issues, Sikhs Zhu once proposed to establish a Punjab language state for a period of time.
Because India and Pakistan split Punjab soon, they were unwilling to incur the accusation of splitting Punjab for the second time.
However, by 1960, the main Sikh party, the akali party, once again called for the establishment of a separate Punjabi language.
On the other hand, the people’s alliance, Hindu dog fasting and holy commune, which represent the interests of Hindus, called for the combination of Punjab, Himachal and badilar with the East Punjab to form a “great Punjab”, so as to maintain the dominant position of Hindus in number and strength.
The two sides have been in constant conflict, with strikes, demonstrations and protest rallies one after another, often leading to violence and bloodshed.
Fateh Singh, the leader of the akhali party, also threatened to burn himself and asked the government to make concessions within a time limit.
The situation in Punjab is precarious, endangering national unity and security.
This forced the Indian government to make a decision in March 1966 to rebuild Punjab on the basis of language.
In November of the same year, the decision was implemented.
The counties that speak Punjabi form a state and still use the name of Punjab.
The counties that use Hindi in plain areas form a new Haryana State, and the Hindi speaking mountains are merged into the adjacent Himachal Pradesh.
Due to the dispute between the two sides over the ownership of Chandigarh, the former capital of Punjab, the government decided to change it into a region directly under the central government and serve as the common capital of the two states.
At the same time, according to the principle of establishing a language state, Assam state is divided into Naga state (1963), Meghalaya state (1970) and Mizoram state (formerly a region directly under the central government, which was changed into a state in August 1986).
The establishment of administrative units based on language is a victory of local nationalism in India.
The establishment of language States is not only a content of national democratic politics, but also a condition for the implementation of democratic politics.
“The reorganization has provided these states with political entities consistent with their culture and language.
It has made state politics closer to the people, made it easier for traditional leaders and influential local groups to control the application of power, and at least exert more influence on them.
Therefore, in a sense, the reorganization has made politics more democratic and less western.
” The development of local nationalism reflects the gradual strengthening of the status of the local middle class.
They tried hard to contend with the big bourgeoisie who held state power within the scope of their own control.
Although the establishment of language state is not a fundamental change in national politics, as some critics pointed out, it began the process of power transfer from the central to the local.
The control and rule of the central government have been weakened to some extent, and the power of the state government has been strengthened to some extent.
It can be said that Indian federalism really has some practical significance only after that.
Undeniably, the placeThe strength of national forces has encouraged local isolationism and weakened the political, economic and cultural ties between the central government and states and between states.
The federal government of India has repeatedly warned against this.
In September 1960, Nehru complained in his speech to the people’s Court: “we do not live in a closed society, but in several closed societies.
We have a closed society that speaks Bengali, a closed society that speaks Marathi, a closed society that speaks Malayalam, and so on.
” Another manifestation of the trend of local national autonomy in India is the pursuit of regional national autonomy.
Regional national autonomy is an important policy for multi-ethnic countries to solve ethnic problems.
Its basic meaning is that the ethnic group manages its own affairs in areas inhabited by ethnic groups.
Specifically, local governments have the right to arrange the financial allocation of the federal government, formulate and implement the economic development plan of the pool area, develop and utilize the natural resources of the region, and have a certain degree of autonomy over tax and foreign exchange revenue.
In India, regional autonomy is a common requirement of almost all ethnic states except Hindi speaking regions.
Because of this, the central government holds a skeptical and negative attitude towards regional autonomy.
They worry that this will weaken the control of local political power and damage the unity of the country and the unity of the people.
After India’s independence, the tendency of national autonomy has developed significantly.
The establishment of language states in the 1950s and 1960s contributed to this trend.
Striving for regional autonomy has deep ethnic, historical, social, political, economic, cultural and religious roots in India.
Historically, India has had several powerful and unified feudal empires, but most of the time it was divided by a large number of large and small principalities.
When India got rid of colonial rule in 1947, there were still more than 500 states.
The centrifugal tendency of division is very strong, which can be said to exceed the unified tendency of cohesion.
In view of this situation, although India nominally adopts a federal system of government, all major practical powers are always controlled by the central government and local powers are extremely limited.
The excessive concentration of power has limited the development of local national bourgeoisie, resulting in increasingly acute contradictions between the central government and national states.
The voices of all States for independence and autonomy are getting louder and louder.
The imbalance of regional development and the discriminatory policies adopted by the central government have exacerbated the contradictions and conflicts between local and central governments and between regions, which is also a reason for the demand for regional national autonomy.
For example, Assam state has beautiful scenery and rich mineral and other products.
It not only produces more than half of the country’s oil, but also occupies a leading position in the output of tea and wood.
However, due to the lack of due attention to the development of modern industry, it has been in a backward position for a long time and served as a raw material base.
Most of the crude oil is transported to Bihar for refining, and primary products such as tea and wood are also transported to Calcutta for processing.
Assam gets little.
Even in the state, most of the key sectors such as industry, commerce and finance are in the hands of foreigners.
Therefore, the requirements of national autonomy in Assam state are not only aimed at the central government, but also have the nature of contradictions between States and between nationalities.
This demand clearly reflects the wishes and interests of the Assam national bourgeoisie and the strengthening of the national consciousness of the people of this nation, especially the educated youth.
The establishment of the language state in the 1950s and 1960s was the first major concession made by the Indian government to local nationalism.
As a result, the forces of local nationalism were further strengthened.
Since then, many states have put forward the requirements of regional national autonomy.
The first to make this request clear is the southern state of Tamil Nadu.
In 1964, they proposed to reduce the power of the central government and expand the autonomy of states.
In addition to national defense, diplomacy, transportation and currency, other functions and powers should be controlled by States.
Punjab put forward the same request after realizing the language state in 1966.
It even asked for giving states the power to formulate state constitutions to protect the special interests of their own nation.
Then, at the end of 1977, the cabinet of West Bengal led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) proposed to limit the power of the central government to national defense, transportation and transportation, finance and diplomacy, and delegate other powers to states.
The function of the central government should be to coordinate the activities of States, not to exercise control over states.
Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir account for the majority of the population.
When India and Pakistan were divided, it was a land state.
In order to attract it to join the Federation of India, the Indian government promised that all functions and powers would be controlled by the regional government except for foreign affairs, national defense and transportation.
Article 370 of the Indian Constitution clearly stipulates the special status of this region and declares that the federal constitution will not apply here except for individual provisions.
In June 1952, the federal government and the Jammu and Kashmir regional government signed the Delhi agreement, which defined the autonomy of the region.
The region has established its own constitutional assembly and formulated a constitution.
Unlike other administrative units in India, its parliament is bicameral.
The local government is called the Council of ministers and its head is called the prime minister.
However, by may 1954, the president of India announced that several provisions of the Federal Constitution, including the declaration of a state of emergency and the judicial power of the Supreme Court in civil and criminal cases, were applicable to Jammu and Kashmir.
Later, although the Indian government did not announce the amendment of article 370 of the Federal Constitution and the abolition of the state constitution, the local power was gradually reduced.
The title of “prime minister” of the head of local government was changed to “chief minister”.
The constitutional provisions of the presidential administration have also been declared applicable to the region.
In short, the special status of the region has been in vain.
It is almost the same as other states.
Under such circumstances, the Kashmiri people have launched a campaign to truly implement Article 370 of the Constitution and restore the right to autonomy.
They even demanded independence from the Indian Federation.
In 1982, the regional parliament overwhelmingly passed a settlement law requiring Muslims who migrated to Pakistan before and after the partition of India and Pakistan to return and settle.
On these issues, the positions of the federal government and the regional government are sharply opposed, and no proper solution has been found at present.
The most common and important content of the tribal movement is to require the tribal areas to implement regional autonomy.
This movement has a strong foundation in all tribes in the northeast, but the most typical movement with great influence in recent years is the movement in the central and Eastern Di district for the establishment of jalkand state.
The goal of the jarkand movement is to take Bihar as an exampleCentered on the chotanagpur plateau, 16 counties inhabited by Santar, Monda, olang, Kho, Kariya and other tribes are combined into a jalkand state to end discrimination and exploitation against tribal people.
These 16 counties include seven counties in Bihar, four counties in Orissa, three counties in West Bengal and two counties in Madhya Pradesh.
The movement began in the early 1950s, but it did not have a certain scale until the 1970s.
The movement is led by the jarkand party.
The jarkand Liberation Front acts as the backbone of the movement, and some radical political parties and local miners’ organizations also actively support it.
Due to the opposition of the Congress Party government, and only three of the 16 counties, namely Mayur banger County in Orissa, Surguja County in Madhya Pradesh and LanChi County in Bihar, have more than half of the tribal population.
In addition, there are various complex situations and problems among the relevant tribes, so the jarkand movement is full of difficulties and it seems difficult to succeed in the short term.
The Indian government adheres to the theories of “one nation’s nationalism” and “one nation’s national integrity”, ignores the existence of ethnic and cultural diversity, and holds a negative attitude towards the right of national autonomy and special interests.
Therefore, the Indian political arena has formed such a pattern: on the one hand, the federal government tries to concentrate as much power as possible in its own hands and strengthen its control over the region.
On the other hand, ethnic communities are increasingly demanding more autonomy for states to handle their own affairs.
The contradictions and struggles between the central government and the state government, the ruling party and local power groups have never stopped, but sometimes intense, sometimes relaxed, sometimes open and sometimes hidden in form.
The third manifestation of the trend of local national autonomy is to break away from the joint Ministry of India and establish an independent sovereign state.
The establishment of an independent sovereign state is the highest form of realizing the right of national self-determination.
In India, during the period of colonial rule, some oppressed nations have put forward the request of establishing a national sovereign state alone.
After India’s independence, some ethnic groups and tribes, through their political parties, organizations and representatives, expressed the same political demands, and some also adopted violent means to achieve this goal.
So far, the claim of secession from the Indian Federation and the establishment of a national sovereign state still has considerable appeal among some nationalities and tribes.
In India, the Sikhs are the ones who have the longest duration, the most popular base and the most serious threat to the existing state power.
A prominent feature of Sikh nationality is the integration of politics, religion and nationality.
The development process of Tamil independence movement is in sharp contrast to that of Sikh.
The Sikh movement for secession from the Indian Federation has become increasingly intense over time, while the Tamil movement of the same nature tends to ease gradually.
Tamils also put forward the idea of establishing a “Dravida state” against the northern Brahman before the partition of India and Pakistan.
In the early days of India’s independence, the Tamil political organization, the Alliance for the advancement of Dravida, renewed its proposal to establish an independent “dravidestan” including four southern states (Madras, Kerala, Mysore and Andhra), which did not form a mass movement for more than a decade.
After entering the 1960s, Tamils once again demanded independence and launched a mass movement.
In 1960, they launched a broad political movement in the former Madras state, demanding to secede from India and establish an independent and sovereign Tamil Nadu state.
The following year, an organization called Tamil alasu Union launched a campaign to change the name of Madras state to “Tamil Nadu”.
Soon, the Alliance for the advancement of Dravida officially proposed that the four states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra, Kerala and Karnataka in South India secede from the Federation of India and establish an independent “Dravida Nadu Republic”.
In view of the threat to national integrity and unity, the Indian Parliament passed the 16th amendment to the Constitution in October 1963, which provides that the parliament has the power to enact laws to punish those who object to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federation of India.
Under the pressure of the government, the Alliance for the advancement of Dravida gave up its request to secede from the Indian Federation and establish an independent Dravida state.
Instead, it established a Dravida Federation with full autonomy, including the four southern states, within the structure of India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
However, it is still unclear to what extent the central government of India will allow local autonomy.
Therefore, the contradiction between the central government and Tamils remains the same.
In April 1971, karunanidi, chairman of the Dravida Progressive Alliance and chief minister of Tamil Nadu, warned that if the Indian government continued to ignore the demand for state autonomy, Tamil Nadu’s secession from the Indian Federation would be inevitable.
Despite the apparent calm of the recent period, there is still a tendency of centrifugation among Tamils and other darovitans.
Once it meets the suitable climate and soil, it will burst out and form a strong trend, which will have a violent impact on the current regime and the whole political and social structure.
Tribes in the northeastern states have long demanded respect for their right to autonomy and self-government.
Some tribes have carried out various forms of struggle, including armed struggle, for secession from the Federation of India and the establishment of an independent sovereign state.
The composition of race, religion, culture and language in this region is complex, and has always been ignored by the central government in terms of economic development.
Therefore, there are potential factors of instability.
Prominent among them are the struggles of Naga, Mizo, Gurkha and other tribes.
Naga people mainly live in today’s Nagaland state, which covers an area of 16ooo square kilometers and has a population of about 600000.
Most Naga people believe in Christianity.
In the mid-19th century, Britain occupied the Naga mountains and assigned the area to Assam Province, India.
In 1946, the Naga National Committee was officially established, advocating the independence of the Naga mountains.
On August 15, 1947, on the day of India’s independence, the Naga National Committee sent telegrams to the Indian government and the Secretary General of the United Nations, announcing: “the Naga people in the south, including the Naga people in Manipur mountain and the Naga people in kachar, together with the konyaknaga people, declare independence today.
” The Naga National Committee also held a referendum for this purpose, and 99% of Naga people were in favor of independence.
The Indian government refused to recognize the referendum.
The Naga National Committee countered by launching a comprehensive non cooperation movement.
The Indian government then sent troops and armed police to suppress it, and the Naga leader was arrested.
The Naga National Committee was banned.
The 1950 Indian constitution expressly stipulates that the Naga mountains are part of the Assam tribal area and are under the jurisdiction of the Indian government (through the Assam governor), but the Naga continue to confront the government and the violence continues to escalate.
In 1956, the Indian government declared the whole Naga mountains as a troubled area and suppressed the resistance of the Naga people.
Subsequently, the Naga announced the establishment of the Naga federal government in March 22nd of the same year and formed a Naga national * * army and began to embark on the road of armed resistance.
With the continuous strengthening of government military repression, the Naga National Committee was divided and began to form two opposing factions: the one headed by A. Z. fizo advocated armed resistance until independence.
The faction headed by T. n. shakri advocates giving up armed resistance and striving for autonomy within the Federation of India through constitutional means.
This faction later established the Naga people’s assembly and negotiated with the government.
As a result, the Naga mountains were changed into a region directly under the central government.
In 1963, the Naga mountains were officially classified as a state of India.
The two main political parties in the State Parliament: “United Democratic Front” and “Naga nationalist organization” have abandoned their demands for independence.
However, the faction headed by fizo continued to work hard for the independence movement, established another government in Dunsan area, and contacted Naga “separatists” in Myanmar, which clashed with government forces.
Mizoram originally belongs to Assam, and now Mizoram state.
80% of the residents believe in Christianity.
Before India’s independence, like Naga people, it also discussed the future of the Mizo people and put forward two plans: one is to be entrusted by the United Nations, and the other is to implement autonomy except that the central government is responsible for national defense and foreign affairs.
In 1946, the Mizo nationalist organization Mizo alliance was established.
The organization welcomes the integration of the Mizo region into the Federation of India.
In the 1950s, when the Congress party was in power in Assam, Mizo Zhenmeng had a more harmonious relationship with the Congress party.
In 1959, a severe famine occurred in Mizo mountain area, which caused Mizo people’s strong dissatisfaction with the state government.
Some disaffected elements in the Mizo alliance formed the Mizo national famine front and actively organized relief work.
Later, the organization was renamed the Mizo national front.
From 1960 to 1961, the Assam state government forcibly adopted Assam language as the state’s official language and forced the Mizo people to use Assam language, which led to the further upsurge of the Mizo people’s dissatisfaction.
In the 1962 general election, the Mizoram National Front officially put forward the program of establishing an independent state of “Mizoram”, calling for secession from India and the establishment of an independent state together with its fellow ethnic groups in Bangladesh and Myanmar.
In January 1965, all Mizo political parties and groups held a meeting to mediate the differences between the Mizo alliance and the Mizo national front, and formulated the common Charter of Mizoram political parties, that is, to call for the establishment of Mizoram state, which includes all Mizo living areas.
The Mizo national front has temporarily abandoned its demand for independence.
In October of the same year, the then Prime Minister of India, shastri, accepted the request of the Mizo nationality and entrusted h.
V Patak, chairman of the mountain Committee, with specific handling.
The following year, Shas died of illness, and Patak refused to implement the instructions of the prime minister, which aroused the strong indignation of Mizo people.
On March 1, 1966, the Mizo National Front led the Mizo people to hold an armed uprising, quickly occupied the county government and cut off contact with the outside world, and controlled almost all villages in the Mizo mountain area by the end of the year.
The Indian government brutally suppressed the armed forces of the Mizo ethnic group and used the regular army and armed police to encircle and suppress them, which is considered to be India’s protracted civil war.
In 1972, the Indian government classified Mizo region as a centrally administered region, which was divided from Assam state.
In August 1975, the government declared the Mizo national front an illegal organization and stepped up military repression.
Since 1979, the resistance activities of the Mizo national front have remained frequent.
In August 1986, the Indian government transformed Mizoram into an official state of the Federation of India, which eased the ethnic contradictions in Mizoram.
Gurkha is a major ethnic group in Nepal (also known as Nepali, speaking Nepali and believing in Hinduism), but there are also a small number of Gurkhas in India.
They mainly live in Darjeeling County in the north of West Bengal.
There are 1.
02 million people in the county (pucha in 1981), of which 600000 Gurkhas live in the three districts (mainly mountainous areas) of the county.
During the period of British colonial rule, Gurkhas had the demand for autonomy.
Since 1907, they have repeatedly asked for the establishment of a separate administrative unit for Darjeeling outside Bangladesh province.
In 1943, the All India Gurkha alliance was established.
After India’s independence, Gurkha nationalism continued to grow.
According to the analysis, there are two reasons: first, the civil rights of Gurkhas are not clearly stipulated in the constitution, and it is reported that according to the provisions of the government, India recruits Gurkhas into the army every year and pays fees to Nepal’s national jade.
The Gurkhas believed that they were “tenants” who “rented” them to India.
In recent years, labor incidents in Assam and Meghalaya to drive away a large number of Nepalese descent have made Gurkhas more worried about their future.
With the development of nationalist movements in various parts of India, Gurkha people’s voice for establishing their own national homeland is rising day by day.
Second, the economy of Darjeeling has developed.
The region is dominated by tourism, tea gardens and forestry, and its per capita income ranks fourth among the 16 counties in West Bengal.
However, most of the major local industries are in the hands of outsiders, and most local government positions are held by Bangladeshis in the plains.
The growing middle class and 40000 veterans after independence can’t stand this situation.
They seek to establish the entity of their own nation, so as to improve their economic and political status.
The Gurkha alliance has made many requests for autonomy since India’s independence, but it has been rejected or ignored by successive Indian governments.
On July 30, 1980, a faction headed by veteran subas gisin split from the All India Gurkha alliance and established the Gurkha national liberation front, and the struggle became more and more intense.
In December 1983, gisin sent a memorandum to the king of Nepal and sent a copy to the Secretary General of the United Nations and the leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States, France and other countries, calling on them to “stop the Indian government’s policy of apartheid and genocide against Indians of Nepalese descent” and solve the problem of suffering Gurkhas for a long time politically.
Since 1986, YijiThe “front” headed by Xin carried out a massive movement.
They demanded: (1) secede from West Bengal and establish “gurkharand state” separately.
(2) The inclusion of Nepali as one of the national languages in the constitution.
(3) Abolish the 1050 India Nepal treaty.
The front and its supporters clashed repeatedly with the police.
In August 1986, the ruling Communist Party of India (Malaysia) in West Bengal passed a resolution condemning jisin’s autonomy movement.
In January 1987, Rajiv Gandhi also reiterated his opposition to Gurkha separatist demands.
It is not easy to properly solve the Gurkha problem. II. The development trend of local nationalism in India, the complexity of ethnic issues is not only reflected in the diversity of ethnic origin, development and change, but also in the relationship between ethnic issues and national political, economic and social life, the relationship between ethnic groups and even international disputes.
This latter aspect is rare in other multi-ethnic countries, or more prominent and typical than other multi-ethnic countries.
The most distinctive feature of Indian ethnic issues is the rise of regional ethnic political parties and the strengthening of local nationalist forces.
India is one of the most diverse countries.
As far as political parties are concerned, except for a few national political parties, most are local political parties.
At the seventh general election in 1980, the election commission recognized that there were 26 political parties at the state level.
The majority of state-level political parties have the nature of local nationalism.
From the history of local nationalist political parties, some can keep pace with the oldest national political parties in India.
As early as the beginning of this century, some national political parties had taken shape.
By the 1920s and 1930s, more local ethnic political parties were born and developed.
These political parties include the Dravida alliance, which operates in the southern Tamil speaking region, the Sikh party akali party, which is active in Punjab, and the National Assembly party, which has always controlled the K regime in Kashmir.
Some of these political parties are sectarian, some have participated in the struggle against colonialism, and some have cooperated or other forms of contact with the Congress party.
After the partition of the subcontinent, due to the continuous strengthening of local nationalist forces, the number and strength of national political parties and political parties representing local national interests have not only increased greatly, but also strengthened.
This development trend continues today.
Most of these political parties are related to the movement to establish a national language state and the struggle for full national rights to democracy.
A very prominent phenomenon in the development and evolution of Indian political parties is the localization of national political parties and the nationalization of sectarian political parties.
Some local organizations of the former Congress party broke away from the Congress Party and evolved into local nationalist parties under the influence of local power groups.
As far as the program of local nationalist political parties is concerned, it can be basically divided into two categories: calling for autonomy and calling for independence.
The former is in the majority and the latter is in the minority.
There are sharp differences within some local nationalist political parties on the issue of strategic objectives.
For example, the akhali party, a radical group dominated by young intellectuals, called for secession from the Indian Federation and the establishment of Sikhs’ own independent state.
The moderates with strong traditional ideas demand the full autonomy of local ethnic groups under the condition of maintaining the federal entity of India.
The programs of some local nationalist political parties change with the changes of domestic and international political situation.
The delavida Alliance for progress is an example.
Its original purpose was to establish a “delavidastan” including Madras (now Tamil Nadu), Kerala, Mysore (now Karnataka) and Andhra.
Later, in the 1950s, it participated in parliamentary elections, and in the 1960s, it gave up its demand for the establishment of an independent state of the darovitan people.
A trend worthy of attention in the development of local nationalism in India is that national political parties get more and more strong support from the national masses and local powerful groups, so they participate in and control local politics more and more closely.
In the early days of India’s independence, except Kashmir, the whole territory of India, from local to central, was almost dominated by the Congress party.
But today, 40 years later, the situation has changed significantly.
It is estimated that of India’s 780 million total population, about 178 million, or 22.
8% of the population, are governed by local political parties, not including 56 million people under the leadership of the left-wing front government.
In some states, the status of local ethnic political parties is quite consolidated and have been in power for a long time.
For example, in Tamil Nadu, since 1967, the Dravida Progressive Alliance and the All India annad ravidah Progressive Alliance have been the ruling parties, and their power seems to continue to expand.
In Punjab, since the demarcation of the state boundary by language in 1966, the political movement of the akali party has been greatly strengthened.
Although it is not always in power in the state, it has won many great victories in State Council elections and organized the government alone or jointly with other political parties.
The “hometown of Telugu” party, headed by movie star Rama Rao, established in Andhra Pradesh in March 1982, put forward slogans such as restoring the dignity of Telugu people, establishing a clean government, changing the name of Andhra Pradesh to telugunad and re examining the relationship between the federal government and the state.
It has received extensive support from the people of the state for only a few months, He won the State Council election in January 1983.
In December 1984, the Bharatiya Janata election, the party won 28 seats and became the second largest party.
He won two-thirds of the seats in the State Council election in March and continued to govern.
The development and strengthening of local nationalist forces in India has a profound impact on the political and economic life of the whole India.
The contradiction between local nationalist forces and the central government is becoming increasingly acute.
After the establishment of the language based nation-state, local nationalism was in a more favorable position in the struggle to protect its own interests, and the central control was gradually weakened.
Like the decentralization or decentralization in many centralized countries, India is also developing in this direction.
The difference is that it occurs under compulsion and against the will of the central power.
Some states have experienced a long struggle to obtain some of the powers that federal units should enjoy.
It can be expected that under the pressure of the local middle class and nationalist forces, there is a possibility that the central government will allow some regions to implement limited national autonomy.
Another feature of Indian ethnic issues is reflected in the disputes between states.
The establishment of language state is an original creation of India to solve ethnic disputes.
It eases the tension between nations, States, local and central governments to some extentHowever, some remaining problems remain to be solved.
Moreover, the problems brought by the establishment of language states have become a new source of poisoning the relationship between states.
The division of administrative regions based on language rarely takes into account the common national interests, buried environment, natural conditions and the development and utilization of resources.
With the rise of local ethnic forces, some issues related to the interests of various states have become obstacles to the development of harmonious relations between various states.
For example, a dispute arose over the fair and reasonable distribution of river water resources flowing through rivers in neighboring states.
This includes disputes over the distribution of Ravi river water in Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh, disputes over the use of Narmada River, Krishna River and kaweri River in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra, Maharashtra The dispute between Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh over the allocation and use of the river water of the Krishna River, the dispute between Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka over the allocation of the river water of the kaweri River, etc.
The contradictions between states are also reflected in the division of state boundaries, the ownership of some controversial areas, the allocation of central government budget allocation, mutual coordination and cooperation in the development of infrastructure and industrial and agricultural production.
Of course, this contradiction reflects the conflict of interests between nations.
With the growth of local ethnic forces, contradictions and conflicts have become increasingly acute and fierce.
When discussing the disputes among States, an Indian scholar wrote: “in all these cases, the chief ministers of states act like the spokesmen of independent countries, trying to strive for the best interests of their states.
” Another notable issue about Indian local nationalism is that it is involved in disputes with neighbouring countries.
The phenomenon of a nation living across borders is not uncommon in today’s world.
International disputes, conflicts and even wars often occur due to national reasons.
For India, this problem also exists, which is quite serious and thorny.
Disputes caused by cross-border ethnic groups have become a very sensitive and troublesome issue between India and Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, three important countries in South Asia.
First, let’s talk about Tamils living in southern India and Northern and eastern Sri Lanka.
In Sri Lanka, there are mainly two ethnic groups, namely Sinhalese and Tamil.
The former accounts for about 74% of the total population and the latter accounts for 18.2%. Sinhalese are an ancient people who migrated from the north of the South Asian subcontinent to the island of tereranka more than 2500 years ago.
They have created advanced culture here.
There are two kinds of Tamils here: the “Sri Lankan Tamils” (formerly known as “Ceylon Tamils”) who entered and settled in South India more than 1000 years ago, accounting for 12.
6% of Sri Lanka’s population.
“Indian Tamils”, who migrated from South India as plantation workers during British colonial rule, accounted for 5.
6% of Sri Lanka’s population.
Sinhalese are the main ethnic group in Sri Lanka, but they feel isolated in the South Asian subcontinent.
Although Tamils are a minority in Sri Lanka, they have strong backing in South India.
Therefore, the two nations do not trust each other and are wary of each other.
Due to differences in race, culture, language, religious belief and living habits, the two nationalities have a series of unpleasant records in history.
The colonialists carried out the policy of “divide and rule”, provoked the relationship between the two nationalities and deepened their old grudges.
After Sri Lanka’s independence in February 1948, the relationship between the two ethnic groups has not improved.
Tamils originally had a slight advantage in education, knowledge and various professional fields, but they gradually lost their advantage after the mid-1950s.
The issues of citizenship, language, education, employment, religious belief and economic interests of “Indian Tamils” have made the relationship between the two nationalities tense for a long time.
Tamils have put forward the requirements of implementing autonomy, establishing federalism and even establishing an independent state in various periods.
Extremists in both ethnic groups often take violent actions, leading to bloodshed.
Large scale ethnic riots have occurred many times.
Tamils in Sri Lanka and Tamils in southern India not only belong to the same nation and speak the same language, but also have close ties in religious belief, economic and social life.
Therefore, the Tamils in South India sympathize with and support the ethnic movements of the same people across the sea.
The Tamils in Sri Lanka, while receiving various support and help from the same ethnic groups in South India, also regard the whole of India as their backing and hope that the Indian government will come forward to exert pressure on Sri Lanka.
However, in view of the serious and complex ethnic disputes in the country, the Indian government has recognized the ethnic contradictions and conflicts in Sri Lanka as the internal affairs of the country for a long time.
It was worried that its support for separatism would put itself in opposition to the government and the majority of the people of Sri Lanka, and objectively encouraged its national autonomy and separatist movement.
However, during the large-scale ethnic riots in Sri Lanka from July to August 1983, the Indian government publicly stated its concern about the situation in Sri Lanka in the sound of supporting Sri Lankan Tamils in Tamil Nadu.
India’s attitude worried the Sri Lankan government.
UPI reported that President jayawadna was worried about India’s armed intervention to protect the interests of Tamils, and appealed to the United States, Britain, Pakistan and Bangladesh for military assistance in case of invasion.
This made the relations between the two countries quite tense for a time.
Now let’s talk about the ethnic disputes on the Kashmir (or Jammu and Kashmir) issue.
As a legacy of British colonial rule, Kashmir is still a stumbling block to the development of relations between India and Pakistan.
The independence act of 1947 allowed the British Indian states to freely choose to join India or Pakistan or remain independent.
Kashmir was originally a land state, and the issue of ownership was not resolved during the partition of India and Pakistan.
For this reason, India and Pakistan have repeatedly had armed conflicts.
After the first war broke out in October 1947, in August 1948, the India Pakistan Commission specially established by the United Nations adopted a three-stage settlement plan of ceasefire, demilitarization and referendum.
According to this resolution, the two sides cease fire and delineate the ceasefire line.
The control area of Pakistan accounts for about 25 of the total area of trifoliate orange, with a population of about 14.
The control area of India accounts for more than 35 of the total area, with a population of about 34.
In accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations on the future of Pakistan,.