From the time Luo Mingjian and Matteo Ricci were allowed to settle in Zhaoqing in 1583 to the time when the edict of the Pope to dissolve the Jesuit was introduced to China in 1774, the missionary areas in China were basically dominated by Jesuits.

Regardless of the number of missionaries, scope of activities, missionary achievements, penetration into Chinese society and familiarity with Chinese culture, Jesuits are unique in many monasteries.

Even if other monasteries are integrated, their actual strength is a little less coquettish.

If analyzed, they can not compete with the Jesuit Church.

The reason why Jesuits won the top position in China’s Catholic missionary district is not only to seize the time advantage of being the first in China, but also to win the favor of Chinese scholars because of their missionary policy in China.

They were even recognized by Chinese scholars and officials as “Western Confucianism”.

This is the key to the survival of Jesuits, but it has also attracted criticism from other monks.

The strong influence of Jesuits in China’s Catholic missionary areas determines that the adaptation policy they implement is the leading policy of the missionary areas.

The letters and reports they send to Europe are the primary channel for Europeans to understand China.

They have a dominant voice in both missionary and propaganda to the Chinese people.

But this also makes them suspected of monopoly in all aspects.

Obviously, the adaptation policy and sphere of influence of Jesuits have become the pretext for dissatisfaction, jealousy and attack of other missionaries at the same time, which constitutes another background for Jesuits’ activities in China.

After the mid-17th century, many activities of Jesuits in China have to focus on safeguarding and defending their policies and status, Their introduction of Chinese knowledge, including ancient history, to Europe is part of this painstaking effort.

As we know from the previous chapter, the policy of accommodation is not the original creation of the Jesuits in China, but the meaning contained in the purpose of the Jesuit Church since its inception.

Loyola has put forward two principles for the Jesuits: take the upper line and implement the flexible missionary method with learning the language and customs of the missionary area as the necessary condition.

The missionary strategy of Jesuits in China can be said to be the continuation of these two principles, but also the result of their response to their own specific environment.

It is the deepening and concretization of the above two principles.

The adaptation policy has developed unprecedentedly exquisite and large-scale in China, and its practical strength is far more than that in any other region.

Therefore, the adaptation policy has become the basic symbol of the Jesuit Chinese mission.

The Jesuits spared no effort to introduce China to Europe and show Europe a specific face of China, which is also an inevitable requirement under the adaptation policy.

Section I cultural adaptation Jesuit leaders continue to try adaptation methods in Asia.

In addition to adhering to the Jesuit “discipline”, there is another important external reason, that is, trying to make missionary activities get rid of the restrictions of secular regime.

Missionaries under the right to protect the church could only follow the Portuguese conquest route and implement the “Portuguese” policy to the naturalized.

Sabeth had long been aware of the constraints of colonial activities on the spread of the gospel.

Van rion devoted all his life to making the church activities get rid of Portuguese control, and Ricci came down in one continuous line.

In any case, getting rid of the control of the Portuguese regime, as the lingering idea of these Jesuit leaders, has deeply stimulated the formation of the adaptation method, because abandoning the colonial thinking usually means treating the local culture equally and even adapting to it.

The existence of adaptation methods that were once tolerated by the church has its theological roots.

Matteo Ricci’s method of cultural adaptation was classified by Jesuits as “probability”, which is a Catholic doctrine based on the opinion of greater probability.

Therefore, “the Jesuit’s argument can be said to be a stable quasi dialectics, based on the acceptable rational assumptions of Catholic moral principles, and regularized in order to win the opportunity for the gospel to be heard”.

Sabillo, van leen and Matteo Ricci are three representative figures in the final formation of Chinese missionary methods.

Their ideological process demonstrates how the adaptation method can be embodied from a general principle to a systematic method for a specific culture.

When saberlio was in India, he showed tolerance for Asian culture and understood the need to approach the local people in local terms.

His knowledge missionary route for Japan further reflected the attempt to respect local culture and carry out cultural dialogue, which set the tone for future missionary groups.

Van leen accepted saberlet’s basic insight as the policy of the Jesuit mission, and took some decisive measures to ensure its application.

He not only expanded and implemented saberlio’s missionary law on Japan, but also made an initial conception for the missionary law on China and put forward some specific instructions.

Fan Li’an’s open vision made him try his best to understand the situation about China when he first came into contact with the world east of India.

Therefore, during his stay in Macao from October 1577 to July 1578, he vaguely realized that the only possible way to “infiltrate” China would be completely different from that still used in all other missionary areas up to now.

People who respect Chinese scholars will listen to everything, but they will also refuse to respect Chinese scholars.

Therefore, he concluded that the most important thing in training missionaries to China is to learn to read, write, tell Chinese and be familiar with Chinese culture, behavior and customs.

Luo Mingjian and Matteo Ricci were both dispatched from Goa to Macao to implement his policy and devoted themselves to learning Chinese language, Chinese customs and everything else that helps the development of their career.

Even then, van leen asked Ricci to translate the “four books” and write an overview of China’s residents, customs, systems and government, believing that these are the necessary preparations for clearly expressing the Christian doctrine to Chinese Christians in a meaningful way in the future.

Far from reflecting the differences and confrontation between specific plans, fan Li’an’s innovation represents the transformation of the basic missionary spirit, “Different from trying to transplant itself as a foreign entity to the Chinese cultural subject full of rejection and unfriendliness, Christianity wants to restore its imperceptible original characteristics this time.

To enter the Chinese cultural subject calmly, we must strive to deform it from the inside.”. This new method is completely opposite to the missionary policy in the history of Western Christianity in the previous 500 years.

It “breaks away from the tradition of conquerors in the Iberian missionary area, but at a deeper theological and philosophical levelThe concept of authentic Christian spirit is different from the Eurocentric view of religion, culture and history “.

However, fan Li’an could not give more specific instructions to the Chinese mission.

What he proposed was a kind of policy guidance, that is, to establish a church in China that is both Christian and Chinese.

Matteo Ricci adhered to this policy and gradually formed an action plan for adaptation to China in practice.

Ricci’s cultural adaptation method in China can be regarded as an ideological attitude of respecting Chinese people and Chinese culture with natural and sincere humility.

With this attitude, he can be accepted by the environment, continuously deepen his understanding of China, and gradually develop a set of action mode called “method” through long-term exploration.

Like any other European, Matteo Ricci must understand and imagine China with reference to his own European experience and the ideas and practices left by his predecessors before he really contacts China.

However, unlike most Europeans, after being exposed to Chinese culture, he can sublate his inherited experience by virtue of his attitude of respecting Chinese culture and his keen insight.

He positioned his work as laying a solid foundation for the future, which is not based on the limited number of Christian communities struggling to survive on the edge of a hostile society, but on a “China Christianity” civilization.

That is to say, he hopes to make the Jesuit mission area a part of Chinese society, make Christianity a part of Chinese culture, and make the Jesuits and their beliefs no longer considered foreign and harmful.

Only in this way can a true Chinese and Christian church be established, and Christianity or Tianxue be accepted by the higher class and the general public, so as to realize the goal of domesticating the whole of China.

This ideal is based on full trust in the subtle characteristics of Christianity.

Matteo Ricci’s ultimate goal of adapting to China is to integrate Chinese culture and Christianity and build a “China Christianity” complex, but the premise is to choose an element that can integrate with Christianity in Chinese culture.

Matteo Ricci intended to communicate Chinese and Western cultures in terms of social and moral factors, but he chose Confucianism rather than Buddhism or Taoism as the Chinese carrier of these factors, which is not only based on the careful consideration of the political situation faced by missionaries in China, but also out of the consideration of the internal driving forces of these Chinese doctrines.

Although Matteo Ricci advertised himself as anti Buddhist, he was well aware of some similarities between Christianity and Buddhism.

Buddhism developed a set of morality similar to Christianity through natural law, so it is actually a major competitor of Christianity.

Matteo Ricci criticized Buddhism because he understood this.

He said that Buddhism borrowed some elements from western philosophers and Christianity and distorted them, He often said to Chinese scholars: “those Buddhists steal the religion of our God and confuse the world with the theory of reincarnation and retribution.

Our religion has nothing to do, but wants to be good.

Good will ascend to heaven, evil will fall to hell, there will never be repentance, there will never be reincarnation, and there will be no need to practice hard on the wall, leave people’s home and do it for daily use.

Can it be good practice?”.

After confirming the grafting and integration of Confucianism and Christianity, Matteo Ricci began to complete the “localization” he envisaged through four aspects of adaptation: lifestyle, terminology containing basic ideas and concepts, ethics and morality, and ideological etiquette and customs.

In terms of lifestyle, Matteo Ricci and his successors accepted the manners, eating habits, living patterns and clothes of Chinese scholars.

In terms of terminology, Matteo Ricci used “heaven” or “God” which frequently appeared in ancient Chinese books to refer to “God”.

In terms of ethics and morality, he explained Christian ethics with the concepts of benevolence, virtue and Tao.

Moreover, in the Chinese doctrinal question and answer teaching method created by him, six Catholic commandments constituting the spiritual restraint system of Catholics were ignored by him, and six of the seven sacraments of Catholicism were erased by him.

In terms of etiquette, he initially banned Christians from worshipping ancestors and Confucius because of kowtow.

However, when he found that kowtow was also used for living people such as emperors or parents, he understood these rituals as social and political actions and allowed them to be implemented.

As an auxiliary measure to adapt to Confucianism, Matteo Ricci also made adjustments in the form of missionary work: first, he used Confucian terms to question and argue with Confucian scholars, showing a challenge in knowledge and spirit.

Second, the church was not opened to summon public prayers, but the popular college teaching method in the late Ming Dynasty was used to preach to Confucianism.

Matteo Ricci also found that Chinese scholars and upper class figures were very interested in science and technology, so he formulated the policy of sending the smartest members of the Jesuit to China.

Therefore, throughout the Jesuit missionary period in China, Jesuit mathematicians, architects, court painters, geologists and mechanics came in a steady stream.

Matteo Ricci realized that the Chinese people’s world outlook is circular and an ideology that organically integrates science, technology, ethics and philosophical doctrines, so he also tried to express Christianity in a way similar to the holistic spherical world outlook.

Therefore, the concept of “Western learning” or “heavenly learning” was born in the vocabulary of Chinese scholars, To a certain extent, scholars did enter Chinese life by virtue of this form of Christianity.

Ricci’s intellectual missionary policy has been described as “an example of a ‘humane approach’ to a sacred end”.

The various adaptations to the Chinese people in terms of terminology, ethics and etiquette were made in Ricci’s thought at one go, which is not only the embodiment of his commitment to prove that Chinese religion was originally monotheistic with Chinese ancient documents, but also the embodiment of his commitment to show the Chinese people the similarity between their own ancient religion and Christianity.

The attraction of Matteo Ricci’s method is that it can emphasize that the beliefs introduced by the Jesuits to the Chinese people are essentially consistent with the teachings of their ancestors, which are not new and foreign, and therefore not barbaric.

At the same time, it also reminds the Chinese people that Christianity, which contains the common content of the two civilizations, can become a “new” connection between the Chinese people and their ancient, lost but still sacred past.

But this method is also dangerous, which may lead to syncretism and become an arbitrary mixture of Chinese and Christian beliefs.

Although van leen supported Matteo Ricci’s choice of terminology, there was a great deal of communication in various places and ordersThe priest became more and more sensitive to the danger, so as soon as Matteo Ricci died, the ritual battle began.

The second section is the upper line.

The upper line is not only a major principle of the Jesuit Church, but also an important part of Ricci’s Chinese adaptation method.

Since Loyola, the Jesuit Church has believed that the top-down domestication method has a basic effect, and some missionaries need to serve the ruling class to maintain their good impression of Christianity.

It seems more necessary to implement this policy in China, because the activities of missionaries in China completely depend on the tolerance of the government.

If they are lucky enough to be allowed to stay in China and carry out their work, they must establish and strengthen ties with the taxi class, which is the cornerstone of the government and the government, in order to win a survival foundation for themselves.

Luo Mingjian and Matteo Ricci were able to settle in Zhaoqing thanks to their contacts with the important officials of Zhaoqing.

Later, they were allowed to open another residence in Shaozhou.

In August 1589, Matteo Ricci settled in Shaozhou.

During this period, he met Qu Rukui and helped Matteo Ricci clarify the policy of making friends with scholars.

Qu Rukui used his network to spread Ricci’s fame in the whole city and even Guangdong Province, and finally suggested that he change to wear Confucian clothes in order to be accepted by China’s mainstream society.

Since then, making friends with scholars has become Ricci’s primary policy.

With his northward route from Shaozhou to Nanchang to Nanjing to Beijing, the scale of making friends with scholars has been expanding.

Since Matteo Ricci’s death until the fall of the Ming Dynasty, his heirs have complied with his orders.

Some scholars have studied in detail the scale of friendship between Matteo Ricci and Julius.

Among the 142 Chinese who Matteo Ricci visited in Guangdong, Jiangxi, Nanjing and Beijing, there were 129 literati and bureaucrats in total, of which only 29 were cloth scholars when Matteo Ricci met, and the other 100 were officials at all levels from county magistrate to six officials, including 2 princes and 3 royal families.

In terms of geographical distribution, Matteo Ricci made the most friends with the officials and gentry in Guangdong, Jiangxi, Nanjing and Beijing.

However, during his journey to the north, the proportion of cloth scholars he made gradually increased.

In Guangdong and Jiangxi, cloth scholars accounted for 16.

7% of the total number of scholar bureaucrats, 21.

4% in Nanjing and 26.

1% in Beijing.

These fully illustrate Ricci’s policy goal of making friends with officials and gentry and expanding exchanges with the whole scholar circle.

Giulio Aleni made friends with scholars and bureaucrats in Fujian.

At first glance, the situation is different from that of Matteo Ricci.

The total number is about 205, far exceeding the total number of people Matteo Ricci made friends in various places.

Although there are many officials among these 205 people, most of them are Qingjin Confucian scholars and local gentry, and there are only about 36 court officials.

Fang Hao also said: “among the foreign Catholic missionaries in China, there is no more popular among scholars than Eliot.”. The change of the identity of the tourists whom Li and AI paid is related to the change of their scope of activities and objectives.

Matteo Ricci’s goal is to open the way for the spread of the Catholic Church and try to let the Chinese accept this strange visitor.

Therefore, it is necessary to hand in leaders wherever he goes so that he can knock on the door and have a foothold.

Moreover, Nanjing and Beijing, where he is located, are the two capitals of the Ming Dynasty, and senior officials are dense and easy to find.

By the time he arrived, the Jesuits had made some good impressions among the officials and gentry, but it needed to be deepened.

What he had to do was to take a certain place as the base, consolidate his position on the basis of combining Confucianism and expand the objects of dependence.

Therefore, of course, he should pay attention to extensive contacts with the whole scholar class in Fujian.

In addition, during his 25 years in Fujian, he had enough time to make friends with all kinds of scholars in Fujian.

Matteo Ricci has been in Guangdong for no more than 12 years, in Beijing for only 9 years, and in Jiangxi and Nanjing for a shorter time.

Naturally, he should focus on outline.

In fact, the above shows that Ricci has also shown a tendency to expand the scope of communication and enrich the level of communication, so erulio is actually inheriting Ricci’s intention.

It seems that most of the Chinese scholars of the Jesus association did not come to China at that time.

Moreover, among the scholars of the late Ming Dynasty, those who were friendly to Western learning and teaching were often group.

It can be seen that the Jesuits of the late Ming Dynasty gradually penetrated into the scholar society through the traditional Chinese interpersonal networks of teachers and students, the same year, the same society, fellow townships and families, so as to achieve their goal of adapting to and transforming the mainstream culture of China.

One of the manifestations is that scholars of the same subject are friendly to Western learning.

For example, four scholars including Hou Zhen D, a scholar of gengxu in the 38th year, five scholars including Lu Shanji, a scholar of Guichou in the 41st year of Wanli, seven scholars including Zhu Dadian, a scholar of Bingchen in the 44th year of Wanli, six scholars including Zhu Dadian, a scholar of Jiwei in the 47th year of Wanli, and four scholars including Zheng, a scholar of renxu in the second year of apocalypse, have either contacted Western learning, or had preface and postscript Catholic books, or given poems to Jesuits, or had contacts with people in the church.

Second, in the late Ming Dynasty, many members of the party and society were kind to Western learning and teaching.

Donglin Party members, such as ye Xianggao, Wei Dazhong, Lu Shanji, sun Chengzong and other 26 people.

There are 16 people in the Fu society, including Zhang Pu, Xiong renlin and Chen Zilong.

Third, they are interested in learning from the West and have family influence.

For example, Fang Yizhi himself and his father Fang kongdu (2) are interested in Western learning.

Similarly, there are three generations of Hou Zhen D’s grandparents, Xiong Mingyu and Xiong renlin’s father and son.

The influence is more obvious when there are believers in the family.

For example, Han P and Han are uncles and nephews, all of whom are believers.

Qu Shizhen and Qu Shib of the Qu family were famous priests in the late Ming Dynasty.

Although Qu Rukui was not baptized, he also tended to Christianity.

Jesuits in the late Ming Dynasty also communicated with Chinese scholars through another indirect form, that is, to connect their works with Chinese scholars, mainly manifested in the participation of Chinese scholars in the publication of missionary books in the late Ming Dynasty.

For example, Ricci’s map of the universe, ten strange people, the original geometry, the meaning of the garden, Diego de Pantoja’s seven grams, sabbatin de ursis’s water law of Taixi, the theory of expressiveness, erulio’s three mountains on learning, Western learning, external discipline of the professional side, and Western Q & A, Emmanuel Diaz junior and other books, at least 32 Chinese scholars wrote preface, revised or published them.

These people may not have had personal contact with missionary writers, but may have been tossed and turned.

It was not only the fashion at that time to invite celebrities to write preface and make corrections, but also the common fashion in all times and places after the development of printing and publishing industry.

Of course, Jesuits knew how to take advantage of this opportunity to let more Chinese scholars know them.

As a result of the publishing penetration strategy, there were many bibliographic descriptions of various Western books during the Ming and Qing Dynasties,They mainly include the bibliography of near ancient hall, the bibliography of Qi chengsuao I hall, the bibliography of Shishan hall by Chen Di, the bibliography of Ji cangwei collection by Ji Zhenyi, the bibliography of Zhao Dingyu by Zhao Yongxian, the bibliography of Maiwang hall by Zhao Qimei, the bibliography of chuanshilou by Xu Qianxue, the bibliography of Xu family collection by Xu Bo, the bibliography of Yiyuan collection by Qian Zeng and the bibliography of Shugu hall collection, Qian Qianyi’s bibliography of Jiangyun tower, Huang Yuji’s bibliography of qianqingtang, and Dong Qichang’s bibliography of xuanshangzhai.

These bibliographies include more than 50 works by more than 13 authors, mainly scientific works, but also some doctrinal works.

After entering the Qing Dynasty, some scientific works were also selected into Zhaodai series, Xuehai series, shuoling and other series, which also shows their influence.

After entering the Qing Dynasty, there seemed to be some changes in the missionary route of Jesuits.

Tang ruowang still made friends with a large number of scholars who left the Ming Dynasty in the early Qing Dynasty.

In the “Inscription of gifts” published in 1661 (the 18th year), there were 20 poems and essays left by Tang ruowang, but there were more scholars with him in fact.

Tang ruowang’s activities can be regarded as the end of the trend of making friends with scholars in the late Ming Dynasty.

After that, the Jesuits split up, and some of them worked for the imperial court around the emperor, which seemed to realize the original policy of Jesuits seeking the friendship of rulers.

The other part is scattered in the countryside.

Although it does not rule out contacts with local scholars, it is generally focused on spreading the gospel among the lower class people.

The reasons for this change should be considered from three aspects.

First, China’s environmental change.

On the one hand, the power of the gentry in the national political structure is no longer what it used to be, and the missionaries lost their freedom of movement greatly because they were employed by the emperor, which suddenly reduced the opportunities for mutual contact between the two sides.

On the other hand, the various ideological restraint actions of the rulers of the Qing Dynasty destroyed the ideological environment that influenced scholars to hold a certain open mind to foreign ideas since the late Ming Dynasty.

Secondly, the change of the environment in the missionary area and the war of etiquette forced the Jesuits to make some action adjustments.

Finally, the phased reasons for the development of missionary activities cannot be ruled out.

Matteo Ricci’s era aimed to enter China.

When he chose the strategy of becoming a scholar, he and his successors had to spend a lot of time traveling among scholars.

However, after Matteo Ricci cleared the common cultural and emotional barriers of the Chinese people with his compliance policy on etiquette, missionaries could win a large number of naturalists only by abiding by this point.

Therefore, Catholicism had a certain scale of people base in China in the early Qing Dynasty, which could multiply and expand on its own, and it was no longer an indispensable act to argue with scholars, It is even more important to seek the tolerance of the rulers to prevent the Christian community from being completely eradicated by the state.

In short, Ricci’s route of making friends with scholars and preaching knowledge has indeed aroused the interest of Chinese scholars in learning from the West and teaching, helped the Jesuits gain a foothold in China, and prompted the Jesuits to make judgments with reference to the opinions of scholars when facing difficulties.

The Jesuits’ attitude towards Chinese etiquette is the most representative example.

However, it was precisely because the Jesuits tried their best to integrate and supplement Confucianism and respect the views of Chinese scholars that led to the dissatisfaction of other monasteries, accusing them of damaging the purity of Christianity, and finally caused the dispute of etiquette, which deeply affected the Jesuits’ view of China.

Section III “Chinese Rites debate” refers to a discussion on the nature of Chinese traditional sacrificial rites from the mid-17th century to the mid-18th century, which was launched between Chinese missionaries and between missionaries and the Holy See.

The debate over etiquette actually includes two parts: Terminology and etiquette.

The former discusses what words to use in Chinese to express the concept of Christian God, while the latter discriminates whether China’s ritual of ancestor worship and Confucius worship is superstitious and whether Chinese Christians can implement it.

The debate over etiquette is the inevitable result of Jesuits’ implementation of cultural adaptation policy.

The Jesuits led by Matteo Ricci believed that the “heaven” and “God” in Chinese literature could be used to call the Christian God.

It is also believed that the traditional Chinese etiquette of respecting Confucius should be observed.

The rituals for Chinese people to pay homage to their ancestors are “probably” not superstitious, because these rituals can not be regarded as obvious superstitious, but can be seen to exclude this superstitious concept.

Matteo Ricci’s above two resolutions are part of his adaptation method, which aims to gain a foothold in Chinese society through a certain degree of compromise.

However, there are different opinions among Jesuits on the choice of terms.

On the issue of etiquette, most members of other orders opposed the practice of Jesuits on the grounds that it would undermine the purity of Christianity.

The root of the contradiction lies in the eternal opposition between cultural adaptation and cultural departmentalism.

There is a difficult problem implied in Van rion’s policy and Ricci’s method: how to compromise with local customs without changing the essential Christian doctrine.

With the death of Matteo Ricci and the entry of other monasteries into China, this issue soon became the focus of missionaries in China.

The missionary policy of Jesuits became a very unstable powder keg.

Therefore, the dispute over terminology first, then the dispute over etiquette, first the discussion in the missionary diocese, and then the judgment in Rome.

The problem became more and more serious, leading to a dispute for a hundred years.

Based on the policy turn of the Holy See, the debate on etiquette can be divided into four stages.

The period 1611-1656 can be roughly regarded as the initial stage of the etiquette dispute.

When Matteo Ricci died in 1610, etiquette problems emerged.

Around 1633, the order of the mendicant entered China, and the etiquette problem led to a dispute between the Jesuit and the mendicant.

Jean Baptiste Morales, a member of the Dominican order, appealed against the etiquette policy of the Jesuit in Rome in 1643, and Rome issued an edict in support of Li Yufan’s opinion in 1645.

The Jesuits immediately sent Martino Martini to Rome to counterclaim, and the Pope issued an edict in favor of the Jesuits in 1656.

1656-1697 can be regarded as the second stage of the etiquette dispute.

At this time, the policy of the Holy See was that the two royal decrees of 1645 and 1656 came into force at the same time.

During this period, the discussion on etiquette in Rome almost stopped, and China’s missionary areas actually developed smoothly under the guidance of the Royal edict in 1656.

1697-1710 was the climax of the debate on etiquette and then a turning point.

Since Charles Maigrot, the acting patriarch of Fujian, issued an instruction prohibiting etiquette in 1693 and submitted it to the holy see for deliberation, the Holy See reopened the discussion of etiquette in 1697 and signed a new agreement in JanuaryIn 704, a royal decree was issued to completely prohibit Christians from performing Chinese rites.

The Royal edict has not been officially made public or implemented, but its contents have spread and led to many disputes in Europe and China.

Until 1710, the Holy See published the Royal Decree of 1704, emphasized the resolution of 1704 with a new royal decree, and prohibited the discussion of etiquette issues and the publication of relevant texts.

Since then, the dispute over etiquette has entered the final stage.

After 1711, although the Jesuits tried to continue to discuss with the Holy See, the Holy See’s interest has turned to how to implement the resolution prohibiting etiquette, no longer allowing the Jesuits to appeal, and made this meaning clear in the Royal edict in 1715.

Finally, in 1742, the Royal edict of ex’singular completely banned the dispute of etiquette.

However, even if the century long ritual dispute was forcibly ended, the missionary area was still in conflict due to etiquette, and the etiquette problem did not end.

Until 1939, the Holy See made an acceptable resolution on how missionaries should treat the etiquette and customs in their area, which was actually a permission for the Jesuits to adapt to the policy in that year.

Ricci’s etiquette policy is first of all a response to the Realistic Plight of missionaries.

Just as all his adaptation policies are a compromise against the strong exclusion of foreign things in Chinese society and the high independence of Chinese culture, his attention and Thinking on etiquette issues are also first of all forced by the survival and extinction of missionary areas.

He found that if the ritual of worshipping ancestors and respecting Confucius, which is widely practiced by Chinese people, is prohibited, few naturalists will be won, and the naturalization of the whole of China is even more distant, and even missionaries will face the risk of deportation.

Therefore, he believes that these rituals cannot be treated equally with Buddhist and Taoist rituals, which need to be seriously considered.

In line with his consistent attitude of not holding dogmatism towards things with different views, with his own understanding of Confucianism and the judgment of Chinese scholars, especially contemporary Confucian scholars, on etiquette, Matteo Ricci realized that these etiquette were the basis of the imperial social system.

Worshipping ancestors and dead parents is the biggest manifestation of filial piety for Chinese people, and filial piety is the core of Chinese Confucian ethics.

Those who ignore these rites will not be ashamed of their families and Chinese people, and it is obviously unreasonable and unrealistic to require Chinese Christians to be separated from their families and society.

The ceremony of honoring Confucius is the duty of literati and the basic premise of obtaining fame and entering the official career.

Therefore, unlike later missionaries from Manila who saw the Chinese kowtow beside the coffin and in front of the ancestral tablet, Matteo Ricci tried to understand the meaning of etiquette in this specific society through the interpretation of Chinese literature, history, Chinese concepts, Chinese social atmosphere and customs, For example, he found that the widespread burning of incense in China embodies a kind of politeness and virtue.

Kowtow in China is an act of paying homage to elders and superiors, unlike in Europe, which is regarded as worship of gods.

The Chinese did not accompany any prayers when offering sacrifices to their ancestors and Confucius, which convinced him that these rituals generally meant only paying respect to their parents and authority, which was just a civilized act.

In the Chinese concept, offering is only a way to make people feel that they are with their ancestors, which is different from the meaning of the word “sacrifice” in the West.

Based on these observations and understandings, Matteo Ricci made a decision that Chinese etiquette was probably not superstitious and could be tolerated, and reported it to fan Lian for approval.

Van rion agrees with Matteo Ricci.

His basic position can be seen from the subsequent practical actions of the Jesuits – facing the etiquette directly and limiting it to the extent that it can be allowed, and pointing out the methods to ensure that Christians are not tarnished by superstitious beliefs in the implementation of etiquette.

The attitude of Jesuits represented by Matteo Ricci towards Chinese etiquette fully reflects the humanistic spirit of the Jesuit and the cultural relativism attitude illuminated by this spirit.

Their observation focuses on trying to find out whether there are things in etiquette that can be allowed in accordance with nature and rationality, rather than picking on the differences between etiquette and Christian belief.

This is because their starting point is to affirm the value of Chinese culture and respect the rights of Chinese people.

They have compassion for foreign culture.

One of the questions in the etiquette debate is who has the power to finally decide the etiquette issue.

Jesuits have always insisted that only those who fully understand Chinese etiquette and the situation of missionary areas have power.

They may not be able to claim that they are the most suitable candidate, but they are obviously dissatisfied with being separated by half an earth and knowing nothing about China Roman theologians who could only rely on the inaccurate statements of their defenders to discuss etiquette and formulate rules for Chinese naturalists.

In this regard, the cultural openness shown by Jesuits is valuable in an era characterized by European center.

Ricci’s etiquette policy also has expedient factors based on practical considerations, because they are a vulnerable group in China.

There is no support of colonial forces here.

Opposing the imperial social system and law can only make themselves accomplish nothing.

However, the etiquette dispute is not simply a cultural dispute.

The dispute over terms among Jesuits in the early 17th century can be regarded as an ideological debate, but the etiquette debate since the middle of the 17th century has been a big scuffle mixed with cultural discussion, monastic conflict, religious and popular struggle and the competition between China and the West.

The dispute of etiquette is always accompanied by the conflict of interests of various groups.

These conflicts of interests do not survive because of the dispute of etiquette, but they have a profound impact on the situation of the dispute of etiquette and become an inseparable component of the dispute of etiquette.

Group competition, mutual jealousy, personal preference and other factors that lead to conflict always exist, and have a great impact on the situation of etiquette dispute.

On the contrary, the dispute over etiquette has also become an excuse to continue and intensify various opposites, so as to provide an opportunity to compete for interests.

For example, Jesuits also have ambitions unrelated to cultural positions on this issue – monopolizing China’s missionary areas and excluding other monasteries.

For another example, the opposing groups on etiquette can reach a temporary compromise on this issue when there are common interests in one aspect.

Another example is that the judgment of Rome is often used by a group as a tool to attack its opponents, and the edict of Kangxi was regarded as the most credible evidence by Jesuits.

All this makes the battle of etiquette more like a battle of priests.

In addition, as a social regulation, etiquette contains the power information of social rulers.

This power connotation makes the etiquette dispute more difficult.

Therefore, when the etiquette dispute develops to the direct confrontation between Emperor Kangxi and the Vatican envoys, it will become a legal conflict between the two societies to a certain extent,Even if all missionaries in China stopped the conflict, the dispute could not be calmed down or even became more and more uncontrollable.

With regard to the impact of the prohibition of the etiquette dispute on the spread of Christianity in China, one opinion holds that the Holy See’s adherence to etiquette issues has cut off the road of the in-depth development of Christianity in China and paid a high price for adhering to the integrity of faith.

The other believes that whether there is a dispute over etiquette or not, the situation in China in the 17th and 18th centuries does not allow Christianity to grow freely, and Ricci’s overly optimistic policy is difficult to achieve the desired success in the established Chinese social and political environment.

In China, at least the result of the etiquette dispute exacerbated the suspicion of the Chinese ruling class towards foreigners.

The increasingly “closed door” foreign policy pursued in the early Qing Dynasty was a manifestation of the overall decline of the imperial autocratic system for thousands of years.

Under this background, the disturbance of the etiquette dispute was enough to urge the Qing government to continue to shrink its foreign policy and strengthen the restriction of foreigners.

But here we don’t focus on the ritual dispute itself.

What we care about is how the cultural adaptation policy and the resulting ritual dispute affect the narrative style of Jesuits.

As the main media of cultural exchanges between China and the West in this period, the Jesuits shaped the image of China out of a specific demand, which became the starting point for Europeans to understand China.

It is in this case that the ancient Chinese history discussed in this book was recognized and debated by Europeans.

Section IV research on the image of China during the cultural exchanges between China and the West in the 17th-18th century, the term “the image of China of Jesuits” will often appear in front of us, and the topic of this book is also closely related to it.

The description of ancient Chinese history by Jesuits is a part of their specific image of China, European readers first came into contact with Chinese history through this “image” and discussed it under the background of European thought in the Enlightenment era.

The task of this section is to draw the basic outline of the “image”, and introduce its causes and factors affecting its sustainable development.

Jesuits have always adhered to the image of China.

In a word, unlike other missionary areas, China is a land that has been civilized and highly civilized long ago.

It is not only rich in material conditions but also rich in spiritual life.

Even compared with Europe, it also has many advantages.

The descriptions of Jesuits often focus on these aspects: 1) the people are rich in goods, there is no famine and war, and the people are self-sufficient.

2) The system is advanced, including the superiority of civil service politics, supervision system, imperial examination selection, law and so on, as well as the wisdom of the emperor.

3) The culture has a long history, such as ancient scientific achievements, independently developed and long-standing languages, literature and art, rich and detailed historical records, universal education, and people generally know books and etiquette.

4) Moral perfection, a highly developed moral philosophy that has become the basis of a good political system.

Such an image is the content that Jesuits’ texts consistently show to Europeans.

Why do they describe China in this way and why various texts can consistently show this image for a long time? The reasons should be analyzed from two aspects.

One is that the adaptation policy insisted by Jesuits in China requires them to do so, Second, the European editors of the Jesuit report filter out some contents inconsistent with this image and consciously maintain this image, but both of them are unified to adhere to the adaptation policy. I. causes at the beginning of the establishment of the Jesuit Church, it was stipulated that members should regularly submit reports describing their activities to Rome.

At the same time, it also formed a system to strictly distinguish between publicly available materials and internal materials only for review by the elders.

This requirement has no exceptions to all missionary districts of Jesuits and continues until the dissolution of the Jesuit Church.

According to the original assumption, the materials that cannot be made public often involve private issues, and the purpose of making some materials public is to arouse people’s interest in their missionary work and win support.

However, how can the Jesuits’ Frank and detailed report be made public to maximize people’s support? This is subject to the conditions and needs of Europe in different periods, so the complex information inspection work came into being, which is particularly obvious in the application of the report of missionary areas in China.

At the end of the 16th century, when Matteo Ricci and others first entered China and just began to try to adapt to the policy, “European editors want to spread the idea of the victory of Christianity and the superiority of European culture, but what missionaries write is that European Christianity needs some cultural changes to stand in the social background of China.

” Therefore, after editing and editing, in the eight Chinese letters published with the Japanese epistles in 1586, we focused on highlighting the work achievements of missionaries, showing that people at all levels in China have a good impression of missionaries.

Chinese land contains infinite vitality for spreading the gospel, and the description of Ricci and others’ working methods and Chinese culture and society is vague.

At the beginning of the 17th century, the adaptation method adopted in China has been accepted by the mainstream of the Jesuit Church, and the image of Chinese civilization Changhe has also been tacitly accepted by the Jesuit Church from top to bottom.

In this case, the successive entry of rival Jesuit orders into China may be detrimental to them, It is necessary for editors to omit parts that may weaken the value of missionary work or avoid revealing different opinions on China that can be used by hostile orders.

Therefore, the Jesuit materials published in the 17th century showed a tendency to downplay criticism of China and show work efficiency to the ruling class.

By the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, etiquette issues had heated up sharply.

If Jesuits wanted to show agreement with the enemy and not let outsiders know their internal differences, they needed to carefully edit the full text of the report from China in accordance with this principle.

When Rome objected to the disclosure of the content of etiquette issues, the Jesuit ombudsman was certainly more cautious.

However, it is only one aspect for European editors to revise Jesuit letters as required, and the degree of deletion should not be exaggerated.

More importantly, driven by the overall interests of the missionary area, Jesuits who wrote the report have long taken the initiative to describe a country that is strong and rich, has high morality, implements an enlightened monarchy The ideal picture of China in which people believe in a religion close to deism.

The writing intention and writing method of Jesuits are determined by the adaptation policy, and the choice of European editors is also subject to the adaptation policy of Chinese missionary areas.

Their basic reason is that these regions have highly developed and complex civilizations, which can not cover up the local culture as they treat the wild States, but also avoid the strong local cultural trendThe conflict of power put the missionary cause at a disadvantage.

In that case, it is necessary to prove to European donors the wisdom of this culture and that it is a valuable act for them to spend a lot of manpower, material resources and time to win only a few naturalists.

Especially in China, Matteo Ricci opened up a knowledge missionary route, traveled among scholars and won the favor of the Chinese people with various scientific instruments and scientific knowledge.

It not only needs more financial support, but also needs the support of many Jesuits with high scientific literacy.

Therefore, it is very necessary to prove that China’s culture is comparable to Europe.

The adaptation policy determines the Jesuit’s narrative style and knowledge choice, and determines that they want to create a bright and beautiful image of China.

The debate over etiquette strengthens this narrative.

The ritual dispute is a consequence of the cultural adaptation policy.

The ideological position of Jesuits in the ritual dispute is essentially consistent with their ideological position when spreading Chinese culture.

Therefore, the narrative in the ritual dispute still maintains the previously positioned Chinese image.

However, the debate on etiquette has its own focus, so the debate on etiquette emphasizes the moral and religious image of the Chinese people.

Jesuits in China have convinced themselves that Confucian morality is very superior and can be regarded as a suitable preparation for spreading the gospel in China.

The founder of Confucianism is an outstanding philosopher and educator who persistently pursues and practices moral cultivation all his life.

Confucius advocated the restoration of China’s primitive religion, which respected a supreme heaven.

Confucian morality is a social morality closely connected with politics and reality.

Confucian etiquette is simple and noble, and its essence lies in moral cultivation.

Confucianism occupies a dominant position in China, and Buddhism and Taoism belong to heresy.

Up to now, Confucianism has been divided into two schools.

One school of Neo Confucianism violates the original intention of Confucius and has atheistic tendency in the annotation of scriptures, and the other school pays attention to the study of classics, which is the authentic Confucianism.

In this way, they describe the Chinese people as a nation of rationalism, spiritualism and atheism.

A nation with these characteristics will not be trapped in superstition and is suitable for receiving the teachings of the gospel.

In fact, whether there is a dispute over etiquette or not, Jesuits insist that ancient Chinese religion is a pure religion that worships the only true God, and China’s “God” is the God of Christianity.

However, the debate over etiquette makes this argument particularly conspicuous.

After Matteo Ricci’s strategy of valuing the past and neglecting the present has been deliberately carved, it makes people feel that ancient Confucianism is incompatible with modern Confucianism.

Ancient Confucianism that believes in God is a very distinctive image in the narration of Jesuits, but it is difficult for one to feel such an image when reading Chinese documents.

After the dispute over etiquette ended, Joseph Amiot not only believed that ancient Chinese emperors respected heaven, but even that emperors of all dynasties worshipped pure “God” from the Qing Dynasty to the three emperors of Kang, Yong and Qian.

The annual ritual of worshipping heaven is the evidence.

In fact, this etiquette was criticized by Matteo Ricci and his followers.

Qian Deming no longer scruples about the difference between ancient and modern times and the narration of the boundary between orthodoxy and sidelines, which can be proved to be the opposite.

With the end of the etiquette dispute and the demise of the adaptation policy, the narrative system with specific intention has gradually relaxed and given way to the narration which is not only influenced by the Jesuit narrative tradition but also arbitrary.

These descriptions of China by Jesuits are reflected in their various works. II. The introduction works of etiquette dispute and text narration to Chinese culture are also known as “ethnic history”, which are more common in the 17th century.

In the first half of the 17th century, the main works of ethnohistory were relaci ó n de la entrade de algunos Padres de la Compania de Iesus en la China (1605), (1615.

de Christiana expeditione APUD sinas suscepta AB Societe Jesus. Ex P. mattaei Ricci), Alvare de Semedo’s 1642.

imperio de la China, Gabriel de magalha ē s) 1688.

Nouvelle relation de la China.

Evans was written in 1668, so it can also be counted.

The characteristic of these works is that they have not been or less affected by the dispute of etiquette, and give a more comprehensive and fair description of China.

On the one hand, they point out the disadvantages of Chinese society, on the other hand, they sincerely praise China, including the moral quality of the Chinese people, China’s philosophical achievements, China’s government organization and political system, China’s education and justice.

Their main purpose is to depict a desirable China through the comparison between China and the west, but their criticism of China’s disadvantages is also more ruthless and profound.

The missionaries’ writing itself reflects the tendency change under the change of the times.

In fact, the works of Zeng Dezhao and an Wensi have shown that they want to defend the status and behavior of Jesuits in China and oppose the competition and criticism of hostile monasteries.

However, compared with later works, they have not been seriously distorted by the debate on Jesuits’ China policy.

In the second half of the 17th century, Jesuits’ reports focused on the history of the missionary area or defended the policies of the missionary area, reflecting the obvious influence of the etiquette dispute, which has begun since Wei Kuang state.

Wei kuangguo went to Rome to defend the ritual policy of Jesuits.

Several of his famous works on China were also published during this period.

For example, de Bello tartarico Historia, published in Antwerp in 1654, is the most famous report of Westerners on the entry of Manchus into customs.

A brief and even more idealistic monograph on Chinese geography published by novatus in 1655.

Sinicae Historiae decas Prima, published in 1658, warmly praised China’s long history to illustrate that it is necessary and beneficial to pursue an adaptation policy for such a civilized country, especially with the meaning of protection and education.

The characteristics and influence of this work will be discussed in this book.

At the end of the 17th century, the debate over etiquette became more and more intense, and it was more urgent for Jesuits to defend themselves.

Several works published at this time, such as Philippo couplet’s 1686.

tabla chronologiea monarchiae.

Sinicae juxta cyclos annorum LX.

Anno ante Christum 2952.

Ad nnum post christum 1683) and Chinese philosopher Confucius (1687.

Confucius sinarum philosophus), and Louis Le Comte’s new chronicle of the current situation in China (1696.

nouveaux m é moires sur l’é Tat PR é sent de la China) reflect this demand and pay more and more attention to defending the position of Jesuits in ritual debate, The topics discussed are narrow or the information delivered is increasingly biased.

The two works published by Bai Yingli consolidate the image of China from Chinese history and philosophy respectively, while Li Ming introduces Chinese religion and general culture in addition to history, and introduces the life and government under the new imperial court in a tone of appreciation.

In these works, the image of China praised in ethnic history works in the past continues to appear and is supplemented and improved through more details.

Although the criticism of China is mixed from time to time, it is more like perfunctory, not more than the Early Jesuits described their true feelings.

Although Joachim Bouvet’s historical portrait of the Chinese emperor (potrait historical de l’emp é reur de la China) is relatively divorced from the ritual debate, it vigorously praises the Emperor Kangxi and portrays him as a figure comparable to Louis XIV.

Its fundamental purpose is to seek the support of European real power figures for the behavior of Jesuits in the missionary area.

Of course, there are many Jesuits’ works about China, especially a large number of works that directly defend the debate over etiquette, which are no longer listed one by one.

Considering the impact on the formation of “Chinese image” in Europe, the above works rank first.

The basic image of Jesuits about China is mainly planned by the 17th century letters and monographs, which are becoming more and more mature, and the above-mentioned important monographs “may be more influential than their collection of letters in shaping the image of Europe China”.

In the first half of the 18th century, almost no new so-called “ethnohistory” works of Jesuits came out.

In the separate works, except the reprints of works in the 17th century, most of them are academic reports and astronomical observation reports.

The Chinese images involved in these reports and Jesuits’ briefs are repeated or refined on the basis of ethnohistory works in the 17th century, All these works are comprehensively summarized by the collection of Jesuits and the complete annals of the Chinese Empire.

Lettres é difiantes et curieuses é criteria des missions é Trang è res, par quelques missionnires de la Compagnie de J é SUS, compiled and distributed in Paris in the early 18th century, is the restoration and inheritance of the tradition of the Jesuit publishing missionary District reports.

It provides information about missionary districts The naturalization achievements of Jesuits and the information of the region where Jesuits are located, and the part involving China introduces the political system, customs, historical geography, philosophy, industry and commerce, which is close to an encyclopedia of Chinese culture.

Anyone who discusses China can find supporting materials from it, such as Voltaire and hall, the Enlightenment thinkers.

It also inherits the tradition of Jesuit editors modifying and polishing the mission area report, and tries to show the beautiful and attractive side of China to European readers.

Even if the negative reports are retained, it is also on the premise of not damaging the overall image.

In the collection of letters, this modification tradition has more and more exquisite expression because of the dispute over etiquette.

In terms of style, “while providing many new things, they behave somewhat like travel notes”, which shows that they simply reprint the direct accounts of Jesuits in the missionary area, “Once the book is opened, it will make the majority of readers feel naive and stupid.

Sometimes, it will give the impression of simplicity and even stupidity.

” In fact, this typical tone is specially reserved after being processed and polished by the editor, which is to appeal to the readers who especially like travel notes in the first half of the 18th century, so as to attract people’s sympathy to the missionary cause.

The collection of letters has indeed been a great success in attracting attention, But because of this, it has been fiercely criticized by many later scholars: “the collection of Jesuit epistles” A little affectation.

This is a missionary work, some of which may seem simple, but in fact they are disguised, not real innocence.

The real naive character of those correspondents in China provides us with a very different idea about the Chinese people.

They didn’t even hide that the Chinese sometimes have drunks or debauchery and depravity.

Undoubtedly, they all praise the morality of the Chinese people, but they cast some shadows on this beautiful picture.

Father duhede made the Chinese people a moral model appreciated in the 18th century, because these communications are for ethical education and also for religious education.

Of course, it is unfair to blame Jean Baptists Du halde.

He is just the second editor.

His predecessor Le gobien has handled letters in this way, and the letter editors in 16th century Rome have to process and screen them according to their needs.

In fact, for any editor of missionary slips at any time, it is necessary to consciously select and publish the materials appreciating the missionary area in accordance with the requirements of missionary activities.

During the period of etiquette dispute, the editors of Paris Jesuits focused on “refuting the image of atheist culture created by opponents”, This is the Jesuit’s strategy to deal with the complex situation facing it. 1735. description g é Graphique, Historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l’empire de la China et de la Tartarie chinoise is the only work on Chinese ethnohistory published in the early 18th century, It is compiled by Du Hurd, editor of the collection of letters, according to the reports of Jesuits in China.

This four volume brilliant masterpiece covers all aspects of China’s geography, history, politics, religion, economy, folk customs, products, science and technology, education, language and literature.

It is an excellent public reading for popularizing Chinese knowledge.

But its fatal flaw isThe knowledge is old, and many scholars who have a deeper understanding of China because of their close ties with Chinese Jesuits are very dissatisfied with this.

The complete records of the Chinese empire is also a work of protecting education.

Du Hurd described China positively throughout.

He praised every aspect of Chinese society and people.

He believed that China was well governed, China was extremely rich, and the Chinese people were satisfactory.

In most cases, he was docile, kind and modest.

He also affirmed China’s legal system at that time.

Although he also criticized some shortcomings of Chinese society, he still criticized it with the attitude of defending China, believing that China’s defects are not the main aspect of society, and the excellent nature and quality of Chinese people are the most important thing.

Duchard also often compares China with Europe, but most of the time it is to show that China is better than Europe.

The part of this book about ancient Chinese history is also an organic part of maintaining China’s image, which will be introduced later.

In addition to strengthening the Jesuits’ specific view of China, the debate on etiquette also transmitted this view of China to Europe because Jesuits created a large number of works to defend etiquette.

At the same time, opponents of the Jesuits’ view also tried to instill their understanding of Chinese culture into Europeans, which became the starting point for Europeans to understand China.

“When they (Jesuits) failed to explain Christianity to China in their mission area, they achieved outstanding success in explaining China to the West.

Through letters, manuals, folio publications, travel notes, translations and profound papers, they continuously returned information on every aspect of China’s history and current situation to Europe.

” These narratives “come from the personal observation of well-educated people with insatiable curiosity.

All their motives are to arouse the interest of their compatriots and fellow believers in this central country”, and the Jesuits did once arouse the strong interest of Europeans in China.

From the middle of the 17th century to the middle of the 18th century, Europeans wrote an amazing number of works about China, almost all based on the familiar works of Jesuits, or compiled and relayed the remarks of Jesuits, or extracted and utilized Chinese knowledge according to their own ideological, academic and religious views.

For a time, China became their target of criticizing the shortcomings of the times, expounding their thoughts The fashionable evidence to verify the point of view, and the attention and Discussion on China’s ancient history are included here.

It is still difficult to fully count the number of European works about China in the past 100 years, but at least it can be shown that the etiquette dispute directly led to a large-scale text movement about Chinese etiquette in Europe at the end of the 17th century.

In the whole process of the etiquette dispute, more than 50 Jesuits’ works on etiquette issues were published and unpublished.

It shows that nearly 300 similar works were published in Europe during this period, as if etiquette issues were more important to Europeans than missionaries in China.

Moreover, the periodic rise and fall of the number of these works is consistent with the periodic changes of the etiquette dispute.

It can be considered that the etiquette dispute caused this pen battle in Europe.

The first stage of the etiquette dispute in Europe is only reflected in the theological discussion between Dominic Li Yufan and Jesuit Wei Kuang in Rome.

There are few people who know and few commentators.

In the second stage, it developed into the debate between Jansenist theologian Antoine Arnauld and Jesuit Michel Le Tellier in the academic context.

The venue of the debate was mainly limited to Sorbonne in Paris, and the public influence was not large.

In the third stage, Nicolas charmot, the messenger of Yan Dang, took the instruction to the religious circles in Paris for great encouragement while waiting for the court session in Rome to consider Yan Dang’s instruction, which led to the Sorbonne Theological Seminary ruling that Chinese etiquette was illegal before Rome, and publicly condemning two Jesuits’ works as a declaration of this ruling.

There was an uproar among the religious circles in Paris, and then the etiquette problem spread from Paris, the European cultural center, to all parts of Europe, which became an event of interest to all the European public at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries.

As a result, the publishing house continuously issued various books and pamphlets supporting or opposing Jesuits, and Europe was almost inundated by papers, books and brochures on etiquette disputes for a time.

At the climax of the debate, celebrities like Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz will not be out of the trend, but even an ordinary woman is involved in the dispute – the mother of artsu de Lyonne, a representative pastor of the Sichuan patriarch who opposes Chinese etiquette, stands up to refute the Jesuit in order to defend her son’s reputation.

In the fourth stage, Rome banned the discussion of etiquette issues.

Coupled with the natural law that hot issues will always cool down, Europeans’ interest in etiquette disputes gradually faded.

No matter what purpose all kinds of Europeans evaluate the etiquette dispute, after all, the etiquette dispute has opened a big window for Europeans to know China.

It is not difficult to imagine the text fever caused by the etiquette dispute.

In fact, the etiquette dispute has contributed to a general Chinese fever.

In addition to the texts on etiquette, it will also promote the emergence of a large number of texts on other categories of China. III. changing the narrative mode although maintaining the Chinese image required to adapt to the debate over policy and etiquette is the primary consideration of the Jesuits in China, there have been some changes in the narrative mode of the Jesuits since the early 18th century.

At this time, the Jesuits wrote many scientific papers because they were more involved in China’s scientific work.

However, the real change took place in the late stage of the etiquette dispute.

The transformation of Jesuits’ narrative style is manifested in two aspects: one is the transformation of Jesuits’ identity in China, from a simple missionary to a Sinologist.

The second is that Jesuits gradually give up the prejudice of etiquette dispute and try to tell China from the “inside” by virtue of their familiarity with Chinese language and culture.

Academic accomplishment is a necessary but not sufficient condition for Jesuits to turn to Sinology research.

A large number of Jesuits with research ability appeared at the end of the 17th century, but Jesuits were forced to take on the role of Sinologists in the middle of the 18th century, because there were external conditions enough to force them to transform.

Under normal circumstances, the purpose of Jesuits is first and always in religion.

Even the “King mathematicians” who provide various scientific services to Kangxi and have the obligation to communicate with the Paris Academy of Sciences put scientific work second.

To him.