Original title of

: the “titoists” who bid farewell to nightmares — after reading “Balkans of life and death”,

“titoists” on the tragedy of Yugoslavia

last year, the author read the book “Balkans of life and death” written by Barto tomasevic, The Chinese translation of this book was translated by Mr. Dazhou, former chief reporter of the Belgrade branch of Xinhua news agency, and published by Xinhua Publishing House in 2002, but it doesn’t seem to spread widely, so that I, who is still concerned about the former Yugoslavia issue, found this book by chance.

in China, the former Yugoslavia once became the focus of public attention around the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the conflict in Kosovo and the death of Milosevic. In particular, when the “Museum bombing case”, which shocked the whole country and the whole world, but the internal situation is still complicated and confusing, and later actually ended, deeply involved China in the situation in the former Yugoslavia, the public sentiment was almost boiling point. Over the past few years, China has published hundreds of works and translations on the Yugoslav issue, most of which are inclined to Milosevic on one side, and few are inclined to the position of the international community and attack Milosevic. But people outside the two, especially those who have the deepest feelings for Yugoslavia in the Tito era and are most distressed about the end of Yugoslavia, can hardly be heard by the Chinese.

“who are the people who have the deepest feelings for Yugoslavia in the Tito era and are most distressed about the end of Yugoslavia?”? Of course not Westerners. In the past, we have regarded Milosevic as their representative. Some people call him “the last great Bolshevik”. A widely circulated biography of MI said that he “showed rare loyalty and firmness to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia”. The contradiction between Milosevic and the west is that he has become a thorn in the West as “the last Bolshevik in Europe who refuses to obey”. When Milosevic died in the custody of the International Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in 2006 (few people know that China has also sent judges to the Tribunal), many netizens on the Internet even expressed “mourning for Milosevic, a great Marxist”.

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have such a great impact that they have not only hoodwinked the public, but also affected the decision-making level, resulting in our continuous misjudgment on the former Yugoslavia issue. The most typical example is that when Milosevic was dead before the 2000 general election, many of us thought he was popular in Serbia and put all our treasure on him. So stunned at his downfall that he didn’t know what to do. Recently, when the author mentioned these things at a meeting, a respected and well-known elder with keen thought was surprised: “just this morning, I thought Milosevic was overthrown by the West as the last tenacious Communist!”

so I recommended this book to him. As far as I can see, this is the only work of “Tito elements” in China’s countless books on the tragedy of Yugoslavia. No doubt, he is one of the most bitter feelings towards the Yugoslav people. He was an old communist who joined Tito guerrillas as a red teenager in 1943. At that time, his family almost devoted themselves to the revolution, many people died, and many people held important positions in the later Tito regime. Tomasevic himself has been engaged in diplomacy, journalism and publishing for a long time in the Tito era. In 1990, he was the director of YUTEL, which was established under the direction of federal Prime Minister Markovic. The television station was one of the few media that were still in the hands of the Federation and not controlled by Milosevic’s Serbian authorities. After the disintegration of the Federation, it became the “Tito faction” independent media that attacked Milosevic and the Serbian opposition with the same nationalist position. After Belgrade was shut down by the Serbian authorities, the station moved to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, until it was destroyed by the Serbian Army in May 1992 and was forced to stop broadcasting. Tomasevic also went into exile under the threat of arrest and assassination. Later, he became a Montenegrin citizen settled in London. The author’s memoirs of “skds” and “spkds” are part of the “anti fascist war” and “spkds” in the Balkans, and the author’s memoirs of “skds” and “spkds” are full of anti fascist struggle in the former Yugoslavia. The latter part talks about the Tito era and the whole process of Yugoslavia from crisis to disintegration after Tito, all the way to Milosevic’s arrest in 2001. Tomasevic’s views on all this are similar to those of many “Tito elements” (stanbalic and others mentioned below). He also criticized the excessive suppression of Serbia in the Tito era, especially the purge of Serbian leaders such as rankovic and the handover of the land of Serb and Montenegrin residents who fled Kosovo during World War II to Albanians. But he appreciated the looseness and freedom of Tito’s era relative to the Soviet system.

for the tragedy of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, he also criticized the nationalists of non Serb countries, especially Croatian President tujman, but gave a good evaluation of the leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia and Macedonia. The sharpest target of attack in his book is Milosevic and the Serbian authorities under his control. His actions against Milosevic are as follows: subverting the Serbian Communist Tito faction government led by stanbalic, giving a speech on inciting national hatred in Kosovo, launching an “anti bureaucratic movement” to overthrow the communist governments of Montenegro, Vojvodina and Kosovo, and organizing a “March to Ljubljana” against republics such as Slovenia, The collapse of the federal government and the banning of “Yugoslav television” — were strongly condemned.

of course, what is particularly striking is that he believes Milosevic is the number one criminal who launched the war in the former Yugoslavia, so he supports the arrest and trial of Milosevic by the International Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. And he opposed Kostunica and other Serbian rebelsThe latter’s uncle is Tito’s old comrade in arms. He was the commander of the Serbian people’s Liberation Army during the war. Tito succeeded the chairman of the presidium of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia after his death. Little steinbolich is also Tito’s confidant. Tito is also dissatisfied with Serbia’s excessive policies, but he is also dissatisfied with Serbia’s policies. For more than 20 years, Milosevic has been following stanbalic, who has been promoted step by step under the recommendation of the latter. Almost every time, stanbalic handed over the position left after his promotion to Milosevic. Led by the petrochemical company, Secretary of the capital municipal Party committee and chairman of the Serbian Communist League have been promoted to the president of Serbia.

but this time it was no longer stanbalic who introduced Milosevic, but Milosevic who drove him off the stage with the help of “mass movement”.

originally, although steinbolic, as a Serbian leader, was dissatisfied with Tito’s national policy, he was still loyal to Tito system on the whole. He just wanted to adjust within the system, and did not intend to engage in “reprinted chetnik policy”, that is, greater Serbian extremism. Milosevic wanted to take advantage of the dissatisfaction of the Serbs with Tito’s policy to launch a large-scale mass movement, mobilize the Serbs to “transform” the Federation, eliminate the leadership that “favors” non Serbs, subdue Kosovo from below, control the Federation from above, and “be the master” in the whole south, completely showing the bird spirit of the Tito era. He hopes to win the applause of the Serbs with such credit, so as to resist the pressure of liberals and take the initiative in the upcoming tide of democratization. This “revolution” of greater serbism, which is essentially subverting Tito’s system, is certainly intolerable to steinbolich. So the two mentors and friends of more than 20 years turned against each other.

in the winter of 1987, there was another conflict between the Serbian and Albanian communities in Kosovo. Milosevic took the opportunity to attack and called on the Serbs to protest against the officials who “sold their interests to the Albanians” during the Eighth Plenary Session of the Serbian Communist League. Surrounded by demonstrators, the meeting was forced to recall a group of Tito leaders, and stanbalic himself was forced to resign.

since then, the relationship between stanbalic and Milosevic has completely broken down. Seeing Milosevic drag the country into the abyss, stanbalic gradually changed from silence to Michaelis’s firm opposition. At that time, he was dissatisfied with Tito’s national policy. Now he publicly declares that he is a Tito style “anti nationalist”. He organized an anti war group in Belgrade and condemned the atrocities of Serbian armed forces. Especially during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, he resolutely appeared in Sarajevo, a dangerous city surrounded and bombarded by Serbian armed forces, and expressed solidarity with the Bosnian people. In 1995, he published his book “towards despair”, which severely attacked Milosevic. At the same time, he also condemned those in Milosevic’s opposition camp who also advocated Serbian nationalism and only opposed Milosevic as a “former communist”. He told the Serbian people: “before Milosevic, there was a completely different Serbia”, that is, a peaceful and prosperous Serbia in Tito’s Yugoslav Federation. These words reflect his regret as an old communist for Milosevic’s forfeiture of the “Tito heritage”. But he also talked about the lack of a reasonable political structure in the old system, which made Tito’s mistakes unable to be corrected, resulting in irresponsible careerists coming to power, while the public fell into a strange circle between forced silence and used hysteria.

this book “towards despair” in the 1990s and “Balkans of life and death” in the 2000s can be said to come down in one continuous line, representing the views of the “Tito school” on Michaelis.

before the 2000 general election, stanbalic, who was extremely dissatisfied with Milosevic and the opposition who also advocated Serbian nationalism, planned to run. Although he has little chance of winning, as a left-wing candidate, he will effectively divide part of the socialist vote, which is very unfavorable to Milosevic. So a month before the election, steinbolich was kidnapped and assassinated by Milosevic’s secret police “Red Beret”. After his death, The famous scholar konstantinovich wrote an article to mourn: “thank the Serbian sage, Ivan (press: Ivan stanboric) and Srebrenica (press: the Muslim city of Bosnia and Herzegovina slaughtered by the Serbian Army) The blood of the children is together, with the blood of the children killed by snipers in Vukovar and Sarajevo. Ivan is one of these children. They are all children of the nation! ”

“Milosevic hurricane” and the end of Yugoslavia

within a year after the overthrow of Serbian Tito leaders such as stanbalic, the wind of mass demonstrations, large-scale series and forced dismissal has intensified throughout Serbia. Several groups of Party and government assemblies in Montenegro, Kosovo and other places have changed greatly. After almost all the former leaders of the Republic of Serbia, autonomous provinces, municipalities and districts who implemented the Tito era national balance policy have been replaced by Serbian hardliners, Michaelis has pointed the spearhead at the party and government leadership of the whole south. According to the rule of “taking turns in power” of the republics left by Tito, shuval, chairman of the central presidium of the communist republic of Yugoslavia, Markovic, Prime Minister of the federal government, and delnovsek, chairman of the federal presidium, happened to be not Serbian at that time. The non cooperation of the Serbian authorities under Milosevic’s control led to the paralysis of the Federal Party and government institutions.

followed by Milosevic organized 100000 Serbs and Montenegrins to launch a “March to Ljubljana” to threaten Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and other republics along the way. At the same time, under the auspices of Michaelis, the Serbian authorities openly tore up the 1974 federal constitution, abolished the autonomy of Kosovo province without greeting the federal institutions, forcibly dissolved and took over the Kosovo government and assembly, although this government and assembly were newly replaced in the “mass movement” launched by Michaelis not long ago. Such treatment of a federal subject naturally caused protests from republics such as Slovenia and Croatia, which are also members of the Federation, and opposition from federal leaders such as prime minister Markovic. Later, republics such as Sri Lanka and Croatia moved towards independence,One of the important reasons to prevent the nationalization of Kosovo. Indeed, if a republic can unilaterally tear up the Federal Constitution and deprive another federal subject of its rights, who dares to unite with it? As a result, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia collapsed in just two years. To be fair, due to the institutional defects of the “Leninist Federation” and the disappearance of the cohesion of traditional ideology, under the general climate of Eastern Europe at that time, the southern Federation, like the Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Federation, was difficult to avoid the fate of disintegration. At that time, the centrifugal sentiment towards the Federation was also widespread. Every Republic was engaged in nationalism and dismantling the Federation. However, it is undoubtedly Milosevic’s great Serbian “hurricane” that directly destroyed the Tito system. Milosevic is more to blame for the cruel and bloody disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

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are in collusion with sheseli: “new chetnik” is anti guest oriented

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, while Tito faction like stanbalic believes that Milosevic is a “new chetnik”. Of course, this was not obvious at first. Although after Milosevic came to power, Serbia set off a trend of extreme nationalism, and the new chetnik movement also appeared in this “new atmosphere”, it seemed that Milosevic, who formally inherited the Communist League regime, was still an opposition at first. The leading figure in the form of new chetnik is Vojislav shesheri, who was sentenced to eight years for “counter revolution” by the then stanbalic government for advocating chetnik in 1984, but was released early in 1986.

after Milosevic came to power, he soon became a “hero”. In 1989, he was named “Duke” by the Serbian chetnik expatriate group in exile in the United States. After returning home, he founded the “Serbian chetnik movement” (later the Serbian radical party) and became an extremely anti Communist, And a far right nationalist star who opposes “western freedom and democracy”. He believes that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia is the disaster star of Serbia, the existence of Tito tomb is a disgrace to Serbia, and mikhailovic (the leader of chetnik executed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia) is a Serbian national hero and claims to be his successor. His militia, military uniform, rank and military emblem follow the chetnik military system in World War II, and his cleansing and massacre of non Serbs are in the same vein as chetnik in that year.

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. Although Milosevic’s socialist party openly accused “the systems and policies implemented in the whole period of (Yugoslavia) have particularly harmed Serbia and the Serbian people” in its program, as the successor Party of the Serbian Communist League formed by the Yugoslav Communist party, many of its members are nostalgic old people. In order to maintain such organizational resources, Milosevic kept a low profile on history while pursuing chetnik style realistic policies, and did not publicly name Tito or praise chetnik. In fact, however, his relationship with shesheri was intriguing from the beginning. In 1991, a group of people organized by Š e š elj attempted to destroy Tito’s tomb and clashed with the federal authorities. However, the Serbian authorities under Milosevic’s control said that Tito’s tomb belongs to the federal jurisdiction, its preservation and abolition has nothing to do with Serbia, and Serbia is not responsible for its protection. Milosevic can’t tolerate “Tito elements” like tomasevic. Even former teachers such as stanbalic have been assassinated, but he is very lenient to shesheri and “new chetnik”. With the intensification of ethnic hatred and killing in the former Yugoslavia, the intervention of the West and the intensification of the opposition between Milosevic and the west, shesheri gradually changed from the opposition to Milosevic’s “comrades in arms”. The “new chetnik” joined the government in a dignified manner, and shesheri was appointed as Deputy prime minister by Milosevic. Although many socialists are dissatisfied with this, they believe that it is acceptable that Michaelis is engaged in United Front.

however, as time went on, Michaelis became closer and closer to shesheri, but more and more alienated from “our party”. Finally, he had a big quarrel with “our party” in 2002.

in August this year, after Milosevic stepped down, the first Serbian presidential election began. Both Michaelis and Š e š elj were in prison at this time, but the Hague court did not prohibit convicted suspects from “politics in prison”. Michaelis originally wanted to instruct the socialist party to push him as a candidate again. However, the Serbian constitution stipulates that a person can only be elected president twice, and he has no right to run for a third time. The socialist party then referred to the old actor and socialist man RI voinovic who played Walter in the film “Walter defends Sarajevo” as the candidate. In the former Yugoslavia, everyone knows that “Walter” is Tito’s wartime pseudonym, and the socialist party obviously wants to play the “Tito card”. Unexpectedly, Milosevic was furious when he heard about it and instructed the socialist party not to push him, but to support him as the only candidate of the opposition party. This is not to join the United Front led by the socialist party, but to ask the socialist party to carry a sedan chair for her. If so, won’t the disgraced Tito party completely become the chetnik party?

not to mention that at this time, like Michaelis, because he was imprisoned and could not actually perform his presidential duties, he was almost impossible to be elected. If Milosevic can still be regarded as a political expression of the party’s consistent attitude, what other practical role can he play in changing Milosevic in addition to publicly admitting that the party has become a client of chetnik? So the leadership of the Socialist Party voted to veto Milosevic’s proposal by a majority and still decided to nominate a presidential candidate from its members.

as a result, Milosevic was furious. He immediately issued instructions from prison: remove the acting chairman of the party, flagrantly abolish the Supreme Committee of the leading body stipulated in the party constitution, and appoint 33 people to form the “organization of the party chairman – Political Committee” to replace it. The socialists who have always succumbed to the debauchery of Milosevic’s parents can’t bear it. On the same day, voynovi ć issued a statement saying that Milosevic did not allow his party members to participate in the election, but let his party support his decision to run for president, which made him “distance” from the Serbian socialist party. If this goes on, he will break up with the party sooner or later. The Executive Committee of the Supreme Council of the socialist party held a meeting and unanimously rejected Milosevic’s decision to violate the party constitution, pointing out that he